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LA Eee 

a ea ac Beat 

rere rea rane es 
4 Se thee Sie e Ot E 

E : 
Be ean see 
seg x 

abe ea Sat 

Le stat ge 

Bas oy soe 

“7 ELA 

pits he ame 

BO Rene aP OP IEE 





He is f ee f 



Ree i 





(Nos. I ro IV,—1870.) 

(With thirteen plates.) 



I rs 

“Tt will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men 
of science in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, 
and send them to the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such 
communications shall be long intermitted; and it will die away, if they shall 

entirely cease.” 
Sim Wm. Jonss. 





of the Journal, Part I, Nos. I. to IV., for 1870. 
No. I. 

Translations from the Tarikh i Firtiz Shahi.—By the late 
Masor A. R. Funuer, Director of Public Instruction, 

Panjab, - - - - - 
Rejoinder to Mr. Beames.—By F. 8. Growsz, Esq., M. A., 
13), Ge lSbx - = : : ‘ 

Note on a Circle of Stones in the District of Ytisufzai.—By 
Colonel Sir A. Puayvre, (with a plate), - - 
A Covenant of’ Ali, fourth Caliph of Baghdad.—By J. Avpat1, 
Ksq., M. A. S., - - - - 

No. I. 

Memorandum on and Tentative Reading of the Sue Vihar 
Inscription from near Bhawalpir.—By E. C. Bayzey, 
Esq., C. 8. I., C. S., (with two plates), - - 

Notes on Old Delhi.—By J. D. Tremzzrt, Esq., M.A., C.S., 

Notes on Archeological Remains at Shah ki Dheri, and the 
site of Taxila—By J. G. Detmuricr, Hsq., - - 

Kashmiri Test words.—By W. J. Exmsiiz, Esq., M. D.,  - 

Gondi Words and Phrases.—By Rey. James Dawson, - 

Notes on Sanscrit Inscriptions from Mathura—By Basu 
Ra’sENDRALA’LA Mirra, (with four plates), - - 

Contribution towards Vernacular Lexicography.—By Basu 

No. III. 

Extracts from letters addressed by the Rey. T. Fourxzs, 
Chaplain of Vepery, to the Chief Secretary to Govern- 
ment, Fort St. George, dated 29th May, and 26th June, 
1869, regarding three sets of Copper Sasanams dis- 
covered in the Vizagapatam District, - - 








iv Contents. 

Notes on the Antiquities of the Nalti, the Assia, and the 
Mahabinayaka Hills of Cuttack.—By Basu Cuanpra- 

SEKHARA Banursi, Deputy Magistrate, Jajpur, - 
Additional Gondi Vocabulary.—By Rey. Jamus Dawson, 
Chindwara, C. P., ° - - - 

The Vastu Yaga and its bearings upon Tree and Serpent 
Worship in India.—By Basu PraTaPpacHANDRA GHOSHA, 
B. A., - - = : ere 
Extracts from my Diary regarding the Bonhara Temple 
near Omerpore, Behar, and other Antiquities of the 
place.—By Basu Rasuprsart Bosz, Sus-Drivisionau 
OrricER, BAnKA, BHAGULPUR, - - - 

No. IY. 

The Funeral Ceremonies of the Ancient Hindus.—By Basu 
Ra’TENDRALALA Mirra, - - - - 
Notes on Kashmiri Hermits.—By Lieut.-Col. D. J.F. Newatt, 
Tio AS - - - - - 
Facsimiles of Autographs of Jahangir, Shahjahan, and Prince 
Dara Shikoh, with notes on the Literary character, and 
the Capture and Death of Dara Shikoh.—By H. Buocu- 
MANN, Hsq., M. A., Calcutta Madrasah, (with a plate), - 
Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli 
District.—By H. Brocumann, Esq., M. A., Calcutta 
Madrasah, (with five plates), - - - 
Index, - - - - - - 






279 (om 

\ Plate 


\ #7 99 










(p. 58). View of a Stonehenge near Sung Buttee 
(Kusufzye District). 

(p. 68). Inscription found at Ste Vihar near Bha- 

(p. 69). The Tower at Ste Vihar. 

\ (alve 
yy to }(p. 130). Mathura Inscriptions. 

(p. 800). The Interior of the Mosque of Panduah. 

The niche of ditto ditto. 

The Basalt Pillars of ditto ditto. 

View of the Tower of Panduah. 

Entrance to the Tower of ditto. 

(p. 271). Facsimiles of Autographs of Jahangir, 
Shéhjahaén and Prince Dara Shikoh. 


in Part I, Journal, for 1870. 

Page 52, line 14, after ‘corruption of the Sanserit,’ supply 

=p UE i 9, Raddhati read Paddhati. 
Ree Onis. M55 6, Azardirachta read Azaddirachta. 
iy a ae 34, for Bea read Sa. 
ay! ee » for AAAQAA read HARA. 

aro AO) ts, 25, for Wat read YSt. 

31, for Brahman (dead) read twice born dead. 
», for or read nor. 

32, for Brahman read twice-born. 

30, for Sudra read a Sudra. 

37, for month read a month. 

DAT 5 34, for faaqea read Tuamea. 

Dates. 9, for Vaidya read Vaisya. 

89, for afaaat: read a faarets 

» 252, ,, 11-14, for award read reward. 

SOAs 55 30, jor Sa read Ha. 
5 PS 28, for to look read when looking, 
OAS aig 21, for aa read Hat: 

29, for ae faiat read az fara. 

a ene 

a a Le ce 
sane SAE, WEAVER MWR “aiR si: a 7 
Lae, ‘yr hie WE wk: at 
ane ini ral Bove 
at , Fig ing fen hak ee 
sy do ati fos ain cs molt, Ee) seaerbieeth 
Cheah anata ner Te Dgest biginyk 4 ae ie 
Hesse Eni haart AN cigs : 

tei ite so een wee 
aia rise aN a bie te pe: 





RAR Lee ~ 

Nor = 1si70; 


Translations from the Térikh i Firdz Shaht, by the late Mason 
A. R. Fuuter, Director of Public Instruction, Panjdb. 

(Communicated by T. W. H. Torzort, Hsq., C. 8.) 
[ Continued from No. IV. of Part I., for 1869. | 

[ Hdit. Bibl. Indica, p. 282. ]* When Sultan ’Alauddin had witnessed 
four consecutive revolts, commencing with that in Gujrat which was 
raised by the new converts to Islam, up to that of Haji Maula, he awoke 
from his slumber of apathy and oblivion, and recovered from his various 
insane fancies. While using his utmost exertions in the prosecution of 
the siege of Rantambhir, he held privy councils both by day and night, 
to which were convoked Malik Hamiduddin, and Malik A’azzuddin, the 
sons of Ala Dabir, and Malik ’Ainulmulk of Multan, every one of 
whom was an Acaf and a Buzurjmihr in soundness of judgment, as well 
as some other sage advisers. With these he held consultations and 
conferences, as to the cause of the revolts, in order that when their 
origins and causes had been correctly ascertained, they might be 
altogether removed, so that hereafter no revolt might possibly occur 

After several days and nights’ deliberation, the conclusion arrived 
at by these councillors was, that the cause of the revolts was comprised 

* The foot notes and passages in [ | are additions made by the Hditor of this 


2 Translations from the Tarikh ¢ Firtz Shahi. [ No. 1, 

in four things; first, the king’s disregard as to the affairs of the 
nation, whether they are prosperous or adverse; secondly, wine, 
for people are in the habit of having parties for the purpose of wine- 
drinking, when they disclose their most secret thoughts to each other, 
make confederates and hatch conspiracies; thirdly, the friendship, 
ainity, relationship, and constant intercourse existing among the 
Maliks and Amirs, and their close connexion with one another ; 
so that if any accident befals one of them, a hundred others on account 
of their connexion, relationship, and attachment to him, become his 
confederates; and fourthly, wealth, by reason of which the ideas of 
treason and disaffection enter their brains, and disloyalty and ingrati- 
tude come to ahead; for, were people destitute of wealth, every one 
would attend to his own business and employment, without giving 
heed to conspiracies and rebellions; and were no means at their 
disposal, such ideas would never enter the minds of poor and 
impoverished folks. 

Some time after Haji Maula’s revolt, Sultan "Alauddin succeeded 
with immense toil and difficulty in capturing the fort of Rantambhitr, 
whereupon he put Rai Hamir Deo, and the new converts, who had 
fled from the Gujrat insurrection and taken shelter with him, to 
death. Rantambhur, together with the surrounding country, was given 
to Ulugh Khan, and whatever was in the fort became his. 

The Sultan then returned from Rantambhirto Dihli, and being 
greatly incensed against the inhabitants of that city, sentenced many 
of the chief men to be exiled from it; and he himself would not 
enter the town, but took up his quarters in the suburbs. , 

Ulugh Khan for four or five months during the Sultan’s absence 
enlisted an immense force, purposing to effect the invasion of Talinga 
and Ma’bar [Malabar]; but fate happened to overtake him, and he 
was seized with death about the time of his approach to the capital. 
His corpse was accordingly brought into the city, and interred in his 
own mansion. The Sultan was deeply grieved at the sad event [and 
distributed a great deal of alms to the memory of the departed ]. 

[The Sultan ’Alauddin* then took active measures to render revolts 
in future impossible. First of all, he commenced with confiscating 

* Here is a blank in Major Fuller’s translation, extending from p. 283, 1. 5, 
from below, Hd. Bibl. Indica, to p. 285, last line. The text of this portion is 

1870. ] Translations from the Tértkh ¢ Birt Shihi. 3 

the property of certain classes, and gave the order that all villages 
which people held as milk, or im’dm, or wagf, should forthwith be 
resumed and made Imperial Domain land. The officers, moreover, 
were to treat the people as tyrannically as possible ; they should think 
of pretexts for extorting money, and leave no one in possession of gold. 
After a short time matters had gone so far, that only in the houses of 
the Maliks, and Amirs, and officers, and Multani merchants, and... . not 
even so much money remained .....and from his excessive demands 
only a few thousand tankahs...... to him in Dilhi...... all pensions, 
grants of land,......and legacies in the whole kingdom they opened (?), 
and the whole people had so much to do with earning their livelihood, 
that no one had even time to pronounce the word ‘ rebellion.’ | 
[Secondly, with the view of making revolts impossible, the Sultan 
appointed informers (munhiydn), and their number was so great, that 
he knew the good and bad things that men did. People could not utter 
a syllable without his knowledge; and whatever happened in the 
houses of the Amirs and the Maliks, of wellknown and great men, of 
the officers and collectors, was, in the course of time, brought to the 

full of blunders, and a few words have remained untranslated. Hd. Bibl. Ind. 
p. 283, 1. 2 from below, for SMILES, read OML&Ss bikashdnand. For yl, 
in the last line, read etel ; ; andas OS) Lay {yy} GS ys has no sense, we may 
perhaps read oiiS) ly) by) Gee or = and leave no one im possession 
of gold. 

P. 284, 1. 2, sdhdn is unclear to me. After dn qadre, a sentence with 
&5 is wanting. For khdnah we expect khdnahd, though it is in accordance 
with the clumsy style of Zia i Barani, Mafriz on |. 3is a queer word, 
and should be either Bygy0l badrozah, or &A3}9) rozinah, daily allowance, 
he same as wazifah. Another queer word is 0/5 On 1. 14, for which 
we have perhaps to read 200] yf fine, mulet. For Wd} 9 lal on |. 4 from 
below, read W035 colgtla, as on p. 285, 1.2 from below. For midddand on 
1. 9 of the same page (284), we should perhaps read middd, if dawr be the sub- 
ject ; for the plural mitkardand in the following line is used honoris caus of the 
Sultan. The word PAC is doubtful. 

The word dawr is evidently the name which ’Alauddin gave his corps of 
spies, and is the same as nawbat, a watch, a patrol. 

On p. 285, 1. 13 dele 9 before slf An amusing alkeration by the printer’s 
devil and his ‘ superintendent’ may be found on p. 287, 1. 3, where for fitnah. 
angezt, we read fitnah 4 Angrezt !! 

4 Translations from the Taritkh ¢ Birhz Shahi. (No. 1, 

Sultan. Nor did he treat indifferently (faru naguzasht) whatever in- 
formation was brought to him by the patrol (/daur/, but he made the 
patrol responsible for it. The spies were so intruding, that the Maliks 
in Hazar Sittin could no longer say a single word openly, and if they 
had to say anything, they made use of gestures. Day and night they 
trembled in their houses, lest the patrol of informers should come ; 
and they no longer spoke, nor did they do anything which might sub- 
ject them to reproof, fines (gharumat), or punishments (ta’ztr).* 
Kvery Bazar news, sales and purchases, and the doings of the people 
in the markets were reported by the watch, and inquired into by the 
Sultan. | 

[ Thirdly, with the view of preventing revolts in future, the drink- 
ing and the sale of wines were prohibited. Afterwards the Sultan 
also prohibited bagnz} and hemp (banq/, as also gambling. Great exer- 
tions were made to carry out the prohibition of the sale of wine and 
_ bagnt, and special wells were constructed to serve as prisons. Drunkards, 
gamblers, bagni-vendors, were driven out of the city into the country, 
and the enormous taxes which the state had derived from them, had to 
be struck off the revenue books. The Sultan, first of all, gave the order 
to remove from the social assembly rooms of the palace all decanters, 
ma baris,{ the porcelain vessels painted with gold, and the glasses and 

* To'zir ( ot ) is a punishment not fixed by the Qordn, and is opposed to 
hadd ( o= ) when the Qoran fixes the punishment, as stoning for adultery. 
In the former the judge may use his discretion, and control the degree of the 
punishment according to circumstances. 

+ I do not know why the ‘superintendents’ of the Hd. Bibl. Ind. have 
written bugné. The word is only given in the Majmaulfurs by Surtri 
(vide J. A. S. B., 1868, p. 16), who has— 

Bas tyet LT AF OSL C1 jt S53 00)? GE wrySoy b eit ee 
rerun, Kis 3 pole Oo at ds ym S pbsns amatd 
i ; sys : C 
ity So07 BS 50) [ ey ws * ] ows colts 5 
From this Burhan has copied, though he has left out the form eo pagnt, 
which has also come under Sururi’s observation. 2 


{ The text (p. 284, 1. 1) has (syi20, a word not to be found in our diction- 
aries. From the context it is clear that a vessel for holding wine is intended. 
It may come from sx ma bar, Malabar. 

1870. ] Translations from the Térikh « Firta Shahé. i) 

bottles. All were smashed, and the broken bits were thrown in 
heaps before the Badéon gate. The bottles of wine were also taken 
from the assembly rooms and poured out, and the quantity of wine 
thus thrown away was so great, that pools and puddles were formed as 
in the rainy season. The Sultan ’Aléuddin also discontinued his wine- 
assemblies, and he told the Maliks to mount elephants and go to the 
gates of the city, and into the streets and the districts, the bazars and 
sarais, and proclaim that it was his order that no one should drink or 
sell wine, or have anything todo with wine. Decent people gave up 
wine drinking as soon as the order was published, but shameless ill- 
disposed wretches, pimps and panderers, erected stills (7nd. bhatti), 
and distilled spirits from sugar, and drank and sold wine in secret; 
or they filled leather bags outside the town with wine and put them 
between loads of grass or fuel, or had recourse to other tricks of con- 
veying wine into the city. The spies made strict inquiries, and the 
guards at the gates and the runners (larid) posted there examined 
every one, and seized the wine and the owners, and took them before 
the Palace. It was then ordered to give the wine to the elephants 
of the Imperial stables to drink ; and such as had sold it, or smugeled 
it into the city, or had drank any, were beaten with sticks, and 
fettered, and put into prison, where they were detained for some time. 
But as the number oi the prisoners increased very much, they made 
wells before the Badaon gate at a place where all people pass by, and 
into these wells all were thrown that drank or sold wine. | 

Some from the distress and misery they suffered in the wells 
died there, while others who were released after a time, came out 
half dead, and it took ages for them gradually to recover their health, 
and pullup strength. Many, therefore, through fear of imprisonment, 
abjured the use of wine, and if they were unable to control their 
appetites, they used to go [to the fords] of the Jamnah, and 
the villages ten or twelve fos off, and drink it there. In Ghidspir, 
however, and Indarpat,* and Kiluk’hari, and the villages four or five 

* Ghidspar and Indarpat are portions of Dihli. Kilok’bari had been noticed 
before. Ghidsptir is that portion of Dihli where Nizimuddin Aulia lies buried. 
It is also called Mughulpur, from a party of Mughuls that were converted to 
Islam and settled there; Baddoné1., p. 173, 1.4. I am not quite sure whether 
this Mughulpur is not the same as Afghdpiér, mentioned before (J. A. 8. B. for 

1869, p. 214, note ) ; for the parganah and the town of Afehaénpir in Sambhal 
also were called both Afghanpir and Mughulpiur. 

6 Translations from the Tirtkh i Firtz Shahi. [ No. 1, 

kos away, as well as in the Sardis outside the town, the sale and 
purchase of liquor was no longer feasible. It is nevertheless cer- 
tain that some reckless individuals continued to distil wine at their 
own houses, and to drink and to sell it; and ultimately suffered 
disgrace and infamy, and were cast into prison. 

When the prohibition of the use of wine began to press too severely, 
the Sultan gave orders that, if any one distilled spirits privately, and 
drank the liquor in seclusion, without having a party or assembly, 
and without selling it, the spies were not to interfere with him, 
nor enter his house, nor apprehend him. 

From the day that the use of wine was interdicted in the city, trea- 
sonous conferences and conspiracies began to decrease, and thoughts 
and ideas of rebellion were no longer agitated by the people. 

Fourthly, with a view to obviate the causes of revolt, it was direct- 
ed that the Maliks and Amirs, and all the noble and confidential 
officers of the crown, should not go to one another’s houses, and give 
parties and entertainments, nor should they, without first reporting the 
matter before the throne, enter into family alliances with one another, 
nor permit the people to have constant intercourse with them at their 

This order also was enforced with such strictness that not a stranger 
was permitted to stay in the houses of the Maliks and Amirs; 
and feasts and entertainments, when a great concourse of people would 
be gathered, were altogether stopped.* The Maliks and Amirs, 
_ though fear of the patrols, behaved most cautiously, and never 
held an assembly, nor uttered an imprudent expression, nor allowed 
any rebellious, infamous, or disaffected character to come near them 
When they repaired to the palace, moreover, it was no longer possible 
for them to put their heads close to one another’s ears, and to utter 
and hear whispered conversations, nor could they sit down in close 
proximity at one spot, and give vent to the sorrows of their hearts, 
and to complaints against the world. 

* So perhaps in Major Fuller's MS. The last line on p. 286, of the Hdit. 
Bibl. Indica has no grammar. Page 287 of the same edition is dreadfully dis- 
figured by blunders and typographical errors. Line 3, read angezt for angrezz. 

For mushattit? with a} , we expect mushattiti, with a w, line 15, for 

dwardan read awardand. Line 17, for khitan read klitdénra. Line 18, for 
ya read td. Line 19, for chardi, read chardt ; for bistdnéd read bistdnand ; and 
sukdnatjarvt should not be broken up. Line 20, for ghubbate read ghabane. 

1870.] Translations from the Térikh + Firta Shahe. a 

Owing to this prohibition also, no information of a treasonous con- 
ference ever reached Sultan ’Alauddin, nor did any revolt again occur. 

After settling the above regulations, Sultan ’Alauddin requested his 
councillors to suggest some rule or regulation, whereby the Hindus 
might be ground down, and their property or wealth, which is the 
source of rebellion and dissaffection, might no longer remain with 
them ; and that one law respecting the payment of revenue might be 
instituted for all of them, whether landlords or tenants,* and the re- 
venue due from the strong might not fall upon the weak; and that 
somuch should not be left to the Hindas as to admit of their riding 
horses, wearing fine clothes, and indulging in sumptuous and luxu- 
rious habits. 

In furtherance of the above object, which is indeed the chief of all 
objects of government, they suggested two regulations. First this, that 
whatsoever the Hindtis cultivated, whether great or little, they should 
give one half agreeably to the measurement and [the full value of the 
produce per d¢swah |, without any distinction, and that they should leave 
the landlords nothing beyond their proprietary rights [?]. Secondly, 
that they should levy a grazing tax on every animal that gives mill, from 
a cow to ashe-goat, and that they should collect them in a fold in rear 
of every dwelling house [?]+, sothat no opportunity might be left for 

* The text has josh, bLye. Lower down we find Oy wlhed. Balahar 

may be Hindustani, and signify a low-caste servant. Khit is a rare Arabic word 
sienifying a fine, strong man. From the passages below it is quite clear that 
these terms mean the strong and the weak, and most probably landlords and 
tenants, as translated by Major Fuller. lf I did not know that Major Fuller’s 

MS. had Shon with a re — he says in a foot note that the words yrdly Khem 

are unintelligible to him —, I would say that dL, wasa blunder for &by3, 
with a cs, 

I have never seen these terms used in any other book. 

+ The text has bahukm % masdhat 0 wafa i biswah bikunand,—very unclear 
terms. Major Fuller left a blank. ’Alauddin wants to grind down the Hindus ; 
they are to pay taxes amounting to one-half, 7. e. 50 per cent., and their lands are 
to be measured, and not even a biswah of their grounds is to escape taxation. 

The words from without distinction to dwelling howse, with all due deference 
to a scholar like Major Fuller, are wrongly translated, though I am not sure 
whether the following is absolutely free from objections. Translate— 

‘Virst this, that they (the officers) should measure, and tax to the full value, 
even the last biswah, whatever grounds the Hindtis cultivated, whether great 
or little ; and that the Hindus should pay 50 per cent. without distinction, and 
that there should be no difference between the powerful and the weak, and 
that they (the officers) should remit the powerful nothing of the sums due by 
them for their wealth. Secondly, they should levy a grazing tax on every 

8 Translations from the Tarthk ¢ Firuwa Shéht. [ Nort; 

evasion or subterfuge in levying the tax, andthe burden ofthe strong 
might not fall upon the weak, but that both to the strong and to the 
weak there might be but one law for the payment of the revenue. 

On this duty, and in calling to account those functionaries, clerks, 
overseers, and agents, who were in the habit of taking bribes and 
committing embezzlements, Sharif i Qayini,* Naib Wazir of the Em- 
pire, who had not his equal in the art of caligraphy throughout the 
whole Kingdom, and was conspicuously distinguished for his judg- 
ment and ability and his elegant composition, was several years 
employed. He used the greatest efforts, until he made all the villages 
around the capital, the towns and districts in the Dudb, from Biyénah 
to Jhayin, from Pélam to Deopalptr, and Luhtr, all the territories 
of Samdnah and Sunnaém, from Rewari to Nagor, from Karah to 
Kanodi, and Amrohah, Afghanptr, and Kabar, from Dabhai to Ba- 
daon, and K’harak, and Koelah, and the whole of Katehar,;—until he 
made all these places, with regard to the payment of revenue, subject 
to one standing regulation of measurement and [the full value of the 
produce per d¢swah, and of a house tax, and] the grazing tax, as if 
they were but. one village. 

He carried out the system so well too, that contumacy and rebel- 
lion, and the ridingt of horses, carrying of weapons, wearing of fine 
clothes, and eating of betel, went out entirely among the Chowdries, 

animal that gives milk, from a cow to a she-goat. And this grazing tax was 
established. Also, for every house, they should demand a dwelling tax, so 
that no opportunity, &e.’ The difficult words are az pas 7 har khanah sukinat- 
garé talab numayand. Zia,as shall be shewn below, is a most miserable 
writer, as far as style is concerned. His language is Hindi literally translated 
into Persian, Hven in his work on the History of the Barmakides his style is 
very poor. Az pas 7 har khdnah is idiomatic Hindi or Hindtstaéni, har ghar 
ke pichhe, behind every house, 7. e. for every house, per house. That a new 

tax is meant is clear from p. 288, 1. 10 and p. 323, 1. 10, where sd is either 
= ga —-Z eZ ga 
2d, or csxt5, from X85 (855), or se) a house. 
* So according to Major Fuller’s MS. Qayin ( Gyl3 ) is the well known in 


+ Samanah and Sunnam occur often together. They belong to the Sirkar of 
Sarhind ; Dabhat ( gsileto, or with a nasal n, silane ) belongs to the Sirkar 
of Kol, and must not be confounded with lygs, Dehba, (now &% » Dahmah) in 
the Sirkaér of Ghazipir. Kdanaudi, or Kanaudah, belongs to the Sirkar of 
Narnaul; Katehar is Rohileund. Kabur is in Sambhal; another Kabur belongs 
to the Sirkar of Bihar in Bihar. Amrohah hes in Sambhal. For SJ yg5 Major 
Fuller’s MS. had DAs (?). 

¢ Compare J. A. 8. B., 1869, I., p. 121, 1, Lo. ‘ 

1870. ] Translations from the Tartkh i Fitz Shahi. 9 

landed proprietors, and other opulent men. In collecting the revenue he 
made one law applicable to all of them, and to such a degree did their 
obedience extend, that a single constable of the revenue department in 
exacting the taxes would seize some twenty landed proprietors, chief 
men, and agents, and minister kicks and blows to them. It was not 
possible in fact for a Hindt to hold up his head, and in their houses not 
a sign was left of gold and silver [and tankahs and jetals |, and articles 
of luxury, which are the main incentives to disaffection and rebellion. 
Tn consequence of their impoverished state, the wives of the landed 
proprietors and chief men even used to come to the houses of the 
Musalmans, and do work there, and receive wages for it. 

The same Sharaf of Qéayin, the Naib Wazir, also carried out the 
business of investigating and recovering the embezzlements of all the 
superintendents, overseers, revenue officers, and functionaries, agents, 
and collectors, to such an extent, and effected such a close scrutiny, 
that every jetal standing against the name of each of them was extract- 
ed from the ledgers (bahi) of the patwdrés (or village accountants), 
and in accordance with that, the sums were levied from them under 
pain of torture. It was no longer possible, therefore, for any one to 
take one tankah or any single thing indeed from either a Hindé 
or Musalman by way of bribe.* 

He thus reduced the revenue officers, collectors, and other function- 
aries to a state of poverty and destitution; for he used to commit them 
to prison, and kept them for years in irons for the sake of a thousand or 
five hundred tankahs, so that these appointments were regarded with 
greater disgust by the people thana plague. The office of revenue clerk 
too fell into bad odour, so that no one would give his daughter in mar- 
riage to such a person, while the post of superintendent would only be 
accepted by one who had no regard for his life; for these officials 
and collectors passed most of their days [on suspicion] in confinement, 
suffering from blows and kicks. 

* In the Ed. Bibl. Indica, p. 289, 1. 3 dele the words barishwat before chize. 
On 1. 9, the word ae has either the meaning the jail situated im the shiqqah of 
a shiqdar (7), or it is blunder for UK, and dar shakk means on suspicion. 

In Shakespear’s Hindustani Dictionary I find ORM shiqqdér given in the 
sense of perpleming, uncertain ; but surely, this is a mistake, or an Indian spel- 
ling, for JoSs% from C$ shakk, doubt. 


10 Translations from the Taévikh «+ Pirtz Shahi. [No. 1, 

Sultan ’Alauddin was a monarch, who had not a particle of education, 
and had never cultivated the society of intelligent persons. 

On attaining to the sovereignty, he formed the opinion in his own 
mind, that the business of ruling and governing was a totally distinct 
affair from giving efficacy to the statutes of religion, and that royal 
mandates appertained to Kings, but the commandments of the law of the 
Prophet to Qazis and Muftis. In accordance with this idea, therefore, 
whatever measure in the course of government pleased him, or ap- 
peared advantageous to the State, that he invariably adopted, no mat- 
ter whether it was consonant with the precepts of religion or not ; 
and never, in the transaction of state affairs, did he ask for an ecclesi- 
astical verdict or decree on the propriety of any measure. Very few 
intelligent persons had frequent intercourse with him; but of those 
who used to visit him were, first, Qazi Ziduddin of Biyénah; second, 
Maulana Zahiruddin Lang, and third, Maulana Mushayyid of Guhram.* 
[They were ordered to sit at the table, and sat together with the 
Amirs outside]. Qazi Mughisuddin of Biyanah also had constant 
communication with the Sultan, and used to attend both at public 
and private audiences. 

One day, about the time when a great deal of trouble was being 
taken with regard to levying heavier taxes, and imposing fines and 
recoveries on revenue officers, Sultan Aldéuddin told the Qazi Muchis 
that he intended asking him for his professional opinion on several 
subjects, and required him to state the exact truth in return, Qazi 
Mughis said in reply: “It seems as if the hour of my death 
were near at hand ;”’ whereupon the Sultan enquired, ‘‘ Why should you 
think so?” ‘‘ Because,” exclaimed the Qazi, “when your Majesty 
asks my opinion on religious points, and I state the truth, your Ma- 
jesty will get enraged and put me to death.” “ Rest assured,” said 
the Sultan, ‘‘that I will not harm you; only reply with truth and sin- 
cerity to whatever questions I may put to you.” Qazi Mughis 
answered, ‘‘ Whatever I have read in theological works, that will I 

The first question proposed by Sultan ’Alauddin to the Qézi Mu- 
ghis was: ‘‘ Under what circumstances can the epithets of Khiraj- 

* Guhram isa town and parganah in the Sirkar of Sarhind. In Elliot’s 
works, alsoin Prof. Dawson’s Kdition, the name is wrongly spelt Kohrdm. 

1870. | Translations from the Turtkh « Firda Shéht. 11 

dih, and Khiréjguzdr be properly applied to a Hindu?’ The 
Qazi replied, ‘ By the ecclesiastical law, the term ‘ Khiraj-guzar’ is 
applicable to a Hindu only, who, as soon as the revenue collector de- 
mands the sum due from him, pays the same with meekness and 
humility, coupled with the utmost respect, and free from all reluc- 
tance; and who, should the collector choose to spit in his mouth, 
opens the same without hesitation, so that the official may spit into 
it, and under such circumstances continues to pay him homage. The 
purport of this extreme meekness and humility on his part, and of the 
collector’s spitting into his mouth, is toshew the extreme subser- 
vience incumbent on this class, the glory of Islam and the orthodox 
faith, and the degradation of false religion. God Almighty himself [in 
the Qoran | declares with regard to their being subjected to degrada- 
tion ’an yadin wahum caghirina,* and thus he expressly commands 
their complete degradation, inasmuch as these Hindus are the dead- 
liest foes of the true Prophet. Mustafa, on whom be blessing 
and peace, has given orders regarding the slaying, plundering, and 
imprisoning of them, ordaining that they must either follow the true 
faith, or else be slam and imprisoned, and have all their wealth 
and property confiscated. With the exception of the Imém i A’zam 
[Abu Hanifah], whose doctrines we uphold, we have no other 
great divine as authority for accepting the poll tax (yazyah) from a 
Hindu; for the opinion of other learned men is based on the [ Hades | 
text, ‘either death, or Islam.” Sultan ’Alaéuddin burst out laughing 
at Qazi Mughts’s answer, and said: ‘‘ I know nothing of the subjects 
that you have been talking about ; but it had often struck me, that 
the landed proprietors and chief men used to ride fine horses, wear 
handsome clothes, shoot with the Persian bow [?. e., cross bow], fight 
among themselves, and follow the chase, and yet never paid a yetal of 
their taxes on lands, persons, flocks and herds, although they took their 
proprietary share of the produce separately, and that they were further 
in the habit of having parties and drinking wine ; yet some of them 
would never come to the collectorate, whether summoned or not, nor 
pay the least respect to the revenue officers. My anger was roused 
at this, and glowing with passion, I said to myself: Here am I de- 
sirous of conquering other countries, and bringing more realms under 

* Qordn 9, 29. Sale’s Qoran, 1857, p. 152. Vide Ain translation, p. 237, note 1. 

12 Translations from the Tartkh ¢ Ftriz Shaht. [No. 1, 

my subjection, while a hundred classes, in my own Kingdom, do 
not shew that obedience to my rule that ought to be shewn; how can 
I then expect to bring other countries properly under my subjection ? 
For this reason I have established laws, and made my subjects tho- 
roughly submissive, so that under fear of my commands they would 
all escape into a mouse hole; and now you tell me that it is inculcat- 
ed in the divine law, that the Hind should be made obedient and 
submissive in the extreme. You are a learned man, O Maulana 
Mughis, but you possess no experience; while I have no learning, 
but a vast stock of experience. Rest assured, that the Hindu will 
never be submissive and obedient to the Musalman, until he becomes 
destitute, and impoverished. I have, therefore, directed that so much 
only shall be left to my subjects as will maintain them from year to 
year in the produce of the ground, and milk and curds, without ad- 
mitting of their storing up or having articles in excess.” 

The second question proposed by Sultan ’Alduddin to Qazi Mughis 
was this: . ‘ As to the robbery, embezzlement, and bribery, going on 
among officials, and the way in which they falsify accounts and de- 
fraud the revenue; is this mentioned anywhere in the divine law ?”’ 
Qazi Mughis replied: ‘‘It has never occurred to me, nor have I 
ever read in any book, that when officials receive a sufficient salary, 
and yet rob the money of the public treasury, which contains the 
aggregate of the national income, or receive bribes, or defraud the 
revenue, they cannot be chastised by their superiors, either by fine, 
imprisonment, or other infliction as may seem most advisable; but for 
such a delinquent, who robs in his official capacity, amputation of the 
hand has not been authorized (7. ¢., the recognized sentence awarded 
to a common thief.)” 

The Sultan said: ‘* Well, I have ordered the revenue commis- 
sioneis to recover by means of various kinds of torture whatever sums 
may appear on investigation against the names of the agents, superin- 
tendents, and other officials; and ever since they have been called so 
strictly to account, I hear robbery and bribery have greatly diminish- 
ed. I have, however, also directed, that the salary of super- 
intendents, and other officials shall be fixed at such a rate as to 
allow of their living respectably ; and if, notwithstanding this, they 
still commit frauds, and decrease the actual sums received, it shall be 

1870. | Translations from the Turthh 1 Birkz Shahi. 13 

recovered from them with stripes ; and accordingly you yourself can 
see how it fares in the present day with persons holding these ap- 

The third question proposed by the Sultan to Qazi Mughis was 
this: “ As regards the wealth that I brought from Deogir with 
so much trouble, on my gaining the sovereignty ; is that wealth my 
private property, or does it belong to the national treasury of all 
Musulmans ?” Qazi Mughis replied: “I have no option but to 
speak the truth before the royal throne ; the wealth that your Majesty 
brought from Deogir, was gained by the force of the army of Islam ; 
and whatever is gained by such means, becomes the national treasure 
of all Musulmans. Had your Majesty acquired the wealth from any- 
where by yourself, it would be a satisfactory reason according to 
divine law, and the wealth so acquired would be Your Majesty’s pri- 
vate property.” 

The Sultan getting testy with Qazi Mughis, then exclaimed, ‘‘ What 
is this you say ? and are you thoroughly aware of what you are speak- 
ing about? How can the wealth, for which I staked my own life 
and that of my followers, and which at the time of my gaining the 
sovereignty I took from certain Hindtis, whose name and designation 
even were not known at Dihli, reserving it for my own use without 
placing it in the royal coffers; how can such wealth (I say) belong 
to the national treasury ?”’ Qazi Mughis replied: ‘‘ Your Majesty 
has proposed a question in divine law to me, and if I speak not agree- 
ably to what I have read in the Scriptures, and your Majesty should, 
by way of test, enquire of other learned men also, and they give a 
different opinion to what I have given, while speak in accordance 
with the royal inclination, how could your Majesty retain any confi- 
dence in me, or enquire of me as to the statutes of the divine law?” 

The fourth question proposed by Sultan ’Alduddin to Qazi 
Mughis was this: ‘‘ What portion of the national treasury belongs 
by right to myself and my children? Qazi Mughis exclaimed : 
“ Surely my hour of death has arrived ;” to which the Sultan replied ; 
“ Why should your hour of death have arrived?” ‘“ Because,” said 
the Qazi, “if I answer this question which your Majesty has put to 
me, according to the truth, your Majesty will get into a passion, 
and put me to death; and should I tell an untruth, on the day of 

14 Translations from the Térikh «4 Firhz Shahi. fiNos ie, 

judgment, I shall have to enter into hell.”” The Sultén replied: 
‘‘ State whatever is authorized by the divine law, and I shall not harm 
you.” Then said Mughis: ‘‘If your Majesty intends following the 
example of the virtuous Caliphs, and desires the highest honours of a 
future state, you should take for your own use and that of your family 
just as much only as you have assigned to each of the soldiery, 
vi,, 234 tankahs. But if your Majesty prefers following a middle 
course, and considers that that sum would not suffice to maintain the 
dignity of your exalted position, you might take for your own use 
and that of your family as much as you give to the chief dignitaries 
of your Court, such as Malik Qirén, Malik Qirbak, Malik Naib 
Wakilidar and Malik Khae Hajib. Or should your Majesty adopt 
the opinions of the sages of the world, in taking a sum from the 
national treasury for your own use and that of your family, you should 
take a portion that is larger and better than that of other nobles of 
your Court, in order that a distinction may be drawn between your- 
self and others, and the dignity of your exalted position may not be 
lowered. Whatever your Majesty takes from the national treasury 
however, in excess of these three modes which I have represented, and 
for all the lakhs, and krors, and gold jewels you bestow on your 
family, you will have to answer for at the day of judgment.” 

Sultan ’Aléuddim flew into a passion, and exclaimed: ‘‘ Do you 
not fear my sword, that you dare to say, all the wealth which is spent 
on my family is unauthorized by divine law ?”’ Qazi Mughis replied : 
“T dread your Majesty’s sword (I assure you), and lay before you 
my shroud, which is my turban; but your Majesty having asked me 
a question on divine law, I have replied to it according to what I 
know. Were your Majesty to seek information as to its political ex- 
pediency, I should say that whatever is expended on your family 
should be increased a thousand fold, in order that the royal dignity 
might thereby be enhanced in the eyes of the people; for this enhance- 
ment of the royal dignity is essential to political expediency.” 

After discussing the aforesaid questions, Sultan ’Alauddin said to 
Qazi Mughis: ‘ After the way in which you have stigmatized my acts 
as contrary to divine law, listen to this: I have even established a 
fine of three years’ pay for every horseman, who does not stand muster ; 
I cast into prison all who indulge in wine or sell it; when any one 

1870.1} Translations from the Tarikh 4 Firiz Shah. 15 

commits adultery with another’s wife, I cut off his (offending) organ 
and put the woman to death ; in revolts I slay both the good and the 
bad; embezzled money I recover by means of various kinds of torture, 
and keep the delinquents in prison and in chains so long as one 
jetal of the sum remains unliquidated, and revenue defalcators I 
make prisoners for life. Now, do you mean to say all these acts are 
contrary to divine law ?” 

Qazi Mughisuddin then rose from his seat, and advancing to the 
foot of the throne, bowed his head upon the ground, and cried in a 
loud voice: ‘‘ O monarch of the world! whether you permit your poor 
slave to live, or whether you order me, this instant, to be removed 
from the world, I must declare that all are contrary to divine law; 
and in the tradition of the Prophet, (on whom be peace!) and in the 
doctrines of the learned, it is nowhere stated that a sovereign may do 
whatever he chooses with regard to the promulgation of orders.” 

Sultan ’Alauddin offered no reply on hearing the above speech, but, 
putting on his slippers, retired into his private apartments. Qazi 
Mughis also returned home, and next day, having taken a final adieu 
of his family, dispensed alms, and performed ablutions, entered the 
royal Court, and came before the Sultain, prepared to undergo execu- 
tion. Sultan ’Aléuddin, however, summoning him to the front, treat- 
ed him with great kindness, and giving hima robe and a thousand 
tankahs, said: O Qazi Mughis, although I am not versed in learn-: 
ing, yet for many generations have my ancestors been Musalmans ; 
and in order that insurrections may not occur, in which so many 
thousands of Musalmans are constantly destroyed, I adopt such mea- 
sures towards the people, as seem most to their advantage. The peo- 
ple, however, shew a rebellious and contumacious spirit, and will not 
fulfil my commands; and I am, therefore, compelled to make such 
severe laws as will reduce them to obedience. I know not whether 
these laws are sanctioned by our faith or not; but whatever I con- 
ceive to be for the good of the State, and whatever appears expedient 
to me at the time, that I order, and as for what may happen to me 
on the approaching day of judgment, that I know not.” 

[But stop, O Maulana Mughis! One thing I do not forget in my 
prayers to God, and I often say, ‘‘O God, thou knowest that my 
kingdom suffers nothing, if any man sleeps with the wife of his neigh- 

16 Translations from the Tartkh + Firtz Shahi. [ No. 1, 

bour ; or that it is no loss to me, if any one drinks wine ; and that I 
feel no grief, if any one commits a robbery, for he won’t steal anything 
from my inheritance; or that if any one takes advances of money and 
does not go to his work, the work will yet go on, even if ten or twenty 
people are lazy. With regard to these four things I certainly act 
according to the orders of the Prophets. But the people of these times, 
from one to a lac, nay to five hundred lacs and one thousand lacs, do 
nothing but talk and boast, caring neither for this warld nor the world 
to come. Now I am ignorant and do not know how to read and 
write ; in fact my whole knowledge consists in saying an Alhamdu 
(the first chapter of the Qoran), a Qul hua-llahu (Qor., Sur. 112,) the 
prayer Quniut (as described in law books), and the formule of blessing 
the prophets ; but it is I who have given the order in my realm that a 
married man who commits adultery with the wife of another, shall be 
castrated ; and yet, notwithstanding this harsh and bloody order, 
several men stand before the Palace who have slept with the wives of 
others. | 

[ And those who take advances of money and then do not go to their 
work, are made liable to refund advances of three years.* But in 
every employment there are hundreds, two hundreds that are made 
liable to refund three years’ advances, and yet people will take 
money and not work, and prefer to live broken down in the jails. 
And for thefts committed in the city, I have reduced to beggary 
about ten thousand clerks and collectors; nay, I have made their flesh 
so sore, that worms eat up their bodies, in order to see whether that 
bad lot will keep their fingers from stealing; for keeping accounts and 
stealing at the same time is what a clerk, in these days, is born to. | 

[ And as regards selling and drinking wine, I have killed and am 
now killing people in the wells. What do they care for being inside ? 
What is a jail to them ?—They will drink wine, they will sellit. No 


one has ever managed God’s ‘ pious subjects,’ and I can’t either. | 

{In the same year in which the Sultan "Alauddin asked Qazi Mu- 
ghis on some questions of the law, Maulana Shamsuddin Turk, a very 

* On p. 296, Hd. Bibl. Indica, 1. 15 read bé zan 1% yake for zan % yake, and 
kunad for kunand; on 1, 18, read bistdnad for bistdnand, and bandmzadé for 

Bad i burtt zadan (1. 12) is said, of men, to boast; of women, we say bdd i 
gest zadan. 

The whole page is about the most difficult and doubtful page in Barant. 

1870. ] Translations from the Tarikh « Kiriz Shahi. sl: 

excellent and learned teacher of the Hadis, had come to Multan, 
bringing with him a collection of four hundred works on the Hadis. 
He would not go beyond Multan, because he had heard that the Sul- 
tan said no prayers, nor attended the Friday-prayer in the mosque. 
Fazlullah, son of Shaikhul Islam @adruddin, became his pupil. This 
learned man, while at Multan, wrote a commentary on the Science of the 
Hadis, which he sent, together with a pamphlet in Persian, to Court. 
In the preface, he had said much to the praise of the Sultén. In the 
pamphlet the following passage occurred. ‘I have come from Hgypt 
with the wish of seeing your Majesty and the city of Dihli, and my 
intention was there to establish a school of followers of the Hadis,* 
and to deliver the Musalméns from acting upon the traditions of 
learned but irreligious men. But when I heard that your Majesty 
says no prayers, nor attends the mosque on Fridays, I returned from 
Multan. However, I heard of two or three qualities which your 
Majesty possesses in common with pious kings, and I also heard that 
your Majesty has two or three qualities which do not belong to reli- 
gious kings.’ | 

[‘ Now, the good sides of your Majesty are these. I am told that 
the wretchedness and the misery and the despicable condition and the 
worthlessness of the Hindts are now so great, that Hindu children and 
women will go about begging at the doors of the Musalmans. . Hail, 
king of Islam! the protection which thou affordest the religion of 
Muhammad (God’s peace rest on him !) is such that, if for a single act 
done by thee to the glory of Islam, a measure of sins filling Heaven 
and Harth be not forgiven thee, thou mayest grasp the hem of my 
garment on the morrow of resurrection.’ | 

[ Secondly, I have heard that thou hast made grain and apparel and 
other things so cheap, that no one could improve matters by the 
breadth of the point of a needle ; and it is a matter of astonishment 
how in this important matter also, which interests all men on earth, 
and which other kings of Islam have striven to bring about by labours 
extending over twenty, thirty years, and yet have failed, thou, O king 
of Islam, hast so well succeeded.’ ] 

* Le, the Maulana rejected the decisions of the early lawyers, unless based 
upon the Qoran and the Hadis. 

18 Translations from the Tarthh « Fira Shihi. [No.5 

[‘ Thirdly, I have heard that your Majesty has banished every- 
thing that intoxicates, and that the lust and the lying of the lusty 
and the liars have turned bitterer than poison. Hail, hail, bravo, 
bravo, O king, that thou hast brought about this result.’ | 

[‘ Fourthly, I have heard that thou hast driven the trades people 
with their voluble tongues into mice holes, and hast taken the cheat- 
ing, and lying, and falsifying out of them ; and yet thou thinkest* 
it little that, in this regard also, thou hast managed bazdr-people 
as no king ever has done since the days of Adam. O king, bless God 
that thou sittest for such deeds in the company of the prophets !] 

[‘ But the other things which I have heard of your Majesty, are 
such as neither God, nor the prophets and the saints, nor even the 
rationalist, can approve of. First, for the office of Qdzz of the realm 
(a most critical office which suits no one, except he despise the world) 
thou hast appomted Hamid of Multan, whose family from the times 
of his grandfather and father have lived on usury. Nor dost thou 
carefully enquire into the belief of thy other Qézis, and thou givest 
the laws of the Prophet into the hands of the covetous, the avaricious, 
and the worldly. Be on thy guard, lest thou shouldst not be able 
to bear thy sinful drowsiness on the morrow of resurrection.’ | 

[‘ Secondly, I have heard that people in thy city give up walking 
after the tradition of the Prophet, and walk after the sayings of the 
‘wise.’ It is difficult for me to understand why thy town, the people 
of which have the tradition but do not follow it, has not long ago 
become a heap of rubbish, or why the visitations of heaven do not pour 
down upon it. | 

[‘ Thirdly, I have heard that ill-starred, black-faced, learned men in 
thy town sit in the mosques with abominable law books and deci- 
sions before them, making money, and perverting the right of Musal- 
mans by interpreting, and cheating, and adopting various ways of 
swindling. They drown the accuser and the accused; but they too 
shall be drowned.’ | 

* On p. 298, in Bibl. Ind. edition, 1. 4, read bamandfi’ for mandjf’, and on 
1.11, méshumadré for mashumadrt. It looks as if mashwmdrt had been taken in 
the sense of nashumdrt, because the same grammatical blunder is perpetrated 
three times on p. 327. 

On p. 302, 1. 8, read lashkar for shukr ; 1. 11, ndgirift for td givift ; 1.17, az 
for ar. 

1870. ] Translations from the Térikh « Firdz Shahi. 19 

[‘ But I have also heard that these two last things are not brought 
to thy notice, on account of the impious and shameless Qazi who 
stands near thy throne ; else, thou wouldst never give thy sanction to 
such a rebellion against the religion of Muhammad.’ | 

[ Now the book and the pamphlet written by this teacher of the Hadis 
came into the hands of Bahauddin, the Counsellor ; and Bahauddin, the 
ungrateful Counsellor, gave the book to Sultan ’Aléuddin, but the 
pamphlet he did not give and kept it hidden, on account of his par- 
tiality for Qazi Hamid of Multén. But I, the author of this book, 
have heard from Malik Qira Beg that the Sultan learned from Sa’d, the 
logician, that such a pamphlet had arrived ; and he called for the 
pamphlet, and he wanted to make away with Bahauddin and his son, 
because he had not given up the pamphlet, and the Sultan was very 
sorry that Maulana Shamsuddin Turk had returned from Multan dis- 
appointed.] (Hd. Bibl. Ind., p. 299.) 

Death of Ulugh Khan. Conquest of Chitor. Invasion of the Mughuls. 

Not long after Sultan Alauddin had returned from Rantambhir to 
Dihli, and begun pursuing this parsimonious and cruel conduct to- 
wards the people, and had thrown open the gate of fines and chastise- 
ments ; Ulugh Khan fell sick, and while proceeding to the Capital, he 
died at one of the halting-places on the road. 

Malik A’azzuddin Abuarjé, [Bar Khan (?), Ad. Bibl. Ind.] was ap- 
pointed Wazir in [Shahr i Nau (Jhayin)| the revenue of which was 
now levied, like that of the environs of Dehli, according to measure- 
ment and the exact value per biswah. 

Sultan “Alauddin then took the army away again from the Capital, 
and marching to Chitor, invested that fort, and speedily reduced it, 
aiter which he returned to the Capital. Just about the time of his 
return, an invasion of the Mughuls took place; for the Mughuls 
had heard in Méwarannahr, that Sultén Alauddin had marched with 
his army to a distant fortress, and was engaged in besieging it, and that 
Dihli was consequently unprotected. Turghi accordingly got together 
two or three twmdns of horse, and reached Dihli by a series of rapid 
marches with the utmost celerity. 

During this year too, in which the Sultan had proceeded to capture 
the stronghold of Chitor, Malik Fakhruddin Jina Dadbak i hazrat, and 

20 Translations from the Turthh ¢ Firiz Shahi. [No. 1, 

Malik Jhujhi, Jagirdar [mugt@ ] of Karah, the nephew (brother’s son) 
of Nucrat Khan, together with all the Amirs of Hindtstaén, had been 
dispatched to Arangul ; but by the time they arrived there, the rains 
had begun to descend from the sky, and the season became most un- 
propitious, so that the army of Hindistan could effect nothing at 
Arangul, and ultimately returned about the beginning of the cold 
weather, totally disorganized, and with all its stores and equipments 
lost and ruined. 

It was during this very year, when Sultdn ’Aléuddin had returned 
to Dihli after the capture of Chitor, and the army that had started 
along with him, had lost allits stores and equipments during the rainy 
season, and a month had not elapsed since the time of the Sultan’s 
return, so that the soldiery had not yet been mustered, nor their 
kits renewed, that the invasion of the Mughuls took place, and the 
accursed Turghi, advancing swiftly with 40,000 horsemen, encamped 
on the banks of the river Jamnah, and blockaded the roads of ingress 
and egress of the city. 

A strange incident was this that befel the soldiery during this year ; 
for Sultan ’Alaéuddin, after returning from the capture of Chitor, had 
not sufficient time to provide the army with horses and arms after the 
loss of equipments they had sustained at Chitor, and Malik Fakhr- 
uddin Jina, the Dadbak, having returned with the army of Hindistan 
broken and disorganized from Arangul into the provinces, not a horse- 
man or footman out of it could force his way into the city, on account 
of the blockade kept up by the Mughuls on all the roads, and the 
piquets they had stationed. In Multan, Samanah, and Deopalpur, 
moreover, there was no force of sufficient strength to overthrow the 
Mughul army, and join the Sultan’s camp [at Siri]. The army of 
Hindustan was summoned to advance, but in consequence of the hostile 
presence of the Mughuls, they remained at Kol and Baran. [The 
Mughuls moreover had occupied all fords (of the Jamnah)]. 

Sultan ’Alauddin, therefore, with the few horsemen that he had at the 
Capital, came out of the city, and fixing his head quarters at Siri, 
pitched his camp there. The Sultan was then under the necessity of 
haying a trench dug round the camp, and palisades, formed of the 
planks of house doors, erected along side the trench, whereby he pre 
vented the Mughuls from forcing an entrance into the camp. He 

1870.] Translations from the Tarikh 1 Firkz Shaht. 21 

also kept his troops ever alert and vigilant, and constantly on the guard 
and watch, and in every [trench, a/ang] under arms ready to receive 
any assault of the Mughuls; but he deferred engaging in a pitched 
battle. With each division and in each trench too, were stationed 
five elephants incased in armour, and a party of infantry to keep guard 
and watch over them. On the other hand the Mughuls used to go 
round and round the camp, longing to make a sudden irruption on it, 
and destroy it. 

So formidable an invasion of the Mughuls as this, had never before 
been witnessed at Dihli for many ages; for did Turghi remain but a 
single month longer on the banks of the Jamnah, he would inspire such 
dread, as to create utter desolation in Dihli. During the present 
blockade, however, whereby the supply of water, forage, and firewood 
was rendered very difficult for the people, the entrance of caravans of 
grain totally prevented, and the dread of the Mughuls so widely spread 
that their horsemen used to advance up to Chautrah Segani, [ Bibl. 
Ind. Subhéni, as on p. 320] and Murdodhi [Mori and Hadht, Bzd/. 
Ind.], and the reservoir, and alight at these places, and drink wine 
there; grain and stores were sold at a moderate price out of the 
royal depots, and no great scarcity was felt.* 

On two or three occasions desultory conflicts and skirmishes occurred 
between the outposts on either side, but neither party gained any 
decided advantage. By the grace of God, Turghi found himself un- 
able to force his way by any means into the Sultan’s camp; and by 
virtue of the supplications of the poor, after a period of two months, 
the accursed wretch marched off with his army, and made the best of 
his way back to his own country. 

This occasion, on which the army of Islam had received no injury 
from the Mughul force, and the city of Dihli had escaped unharmed, 
appeared one of the miracles of the age to all intelligent persons; for 
the Mughuls had arrived in great force quite early in the season, and 
had blockaded the roads against the entry of reinforcements or sup- 
plies ; and the royal army was suffering under the want of proper 
equipments, while they were in the most flourishing and hearty con- 

* Vide a plan of ’Alauddin’s Intrenchment in Campbell’s ‘ Note on the Topo- 
graphy of Dibli,’ J, A. 8. Bengal, 1866, Pt. L., p, 217. 

22 Translations from the Tartkh i Firiiz Shdht. [ No. 1, 

As soon as the danger threatened by Turghi, which indeed appeared 
most appalling (for the time), had passed away, the Sultan awoke 
from his lethargy, and gave up carrying on wars and sieges. He built 
a palace at Siri, and took up his abode there, making Siri his capital, 
and rendering it populous, and flourishing. He also directed the fort- 
ress of Dihli to be built up, and issued orders that the forts on the 
line of march of the Mughuls, which had gone to ruin, should be re- 
paired, and that new ones should be erected wherever they were 
required, and distinguished and able governors appointed to all these 
strongholds in the direction whence the inroads of the Mughuls 
occured. He further commanded that they should make up numerou 
warlike engines, enlist expert marksmen, establish magazines for arms 
of all kinds, and accumulate stores of grain and fodder after the man- 
ner of granaries, within the ramparts; that numerous picked and 
chosen troops should be enrolled at Samanah, and Deopalpur, and kept 
- ready for service, and that the districts in the direction of the Mughul 
inroads should be confided to experienced nobles, and firm and energe- 
tic chiefs. 

Administrative Measures of ’Aléuddin. (Ed, Bibl. Indica, p. 803 
to p. 326.) 

After Sultan ’Aléuddin had taken care to make these preparations 
against another inroad of the Mughuls, he used to have discussions 
with his councillors both by day and night as to the means of effec- 
tually resisting and annihilating these marauders; and on this point 
he was most particular in procuring the best advice. After prolonged 
deliberation, it was agreed and determined by the Sultan and his ad- 
visers, that an immense army was required for the purpose; and that 
all the troops should be picked and chosen men, expert archers, well 
armed, and well mounted; so that they might be always fully equipped 
and [well-mounted.] With the exception of this one plan, none other 
appeared feasible for resisting the Mughuls. 

The Sultén then took counsel with his advisers, every one of whom 
was unequalled and eminently distinguished, saying: ‘To maintain 
an immense picked and chosen force well mounted, so that they may 
be fully equipped and efficient at all times, is impossible, without the 
expenditure of vast treasures; for one must give regularly every year 

1870. | Translations from the Tarikh « Firiz Shahi. 23 

whatever sum is fixed upon at first; and if I settle a high rate of pay 
upon the soldiery, and continue to disburse money to them at that 
rate annually, at the end of a few years, notwithstanding all the trea- 
sure I possess, nothing will be left, and without treasure it is of course 
impossible to govern or deliberate.” 

* T am accordingly desirous of having a large force, well mounted, 
of picked and chosen men, expert archers, and well armed that will 
remain embodied for years; and I will give 234 tankahs to a Murattab 
and 78 tankahs to a Du-aspah ; from the former of whom I shall require 
two horses with their corresponding equipments, and from the latter 
one* with its usual gear. Consider now and inform me how this idea 
that has entered into my mind about raising a large force, and main- 
taining it permanently, may be carried into execution.” ’ 

The councillors, endowed with abilities like those of Acaf, exercised 
their brilliant intellects, and after some reflection unanimously ex- 
pressed the following opinion before the throne: “ As it has entered into 
your Majesty’s heart, and become implanted} there, to raise a large force 
and permanently maintained on small allowances [ba mawdjib ¢ andak, | 
such can never be accomplished unless horses, arms, and all the equip- 

* T.e., one horse. The Hdit. Bibl. Ind. has yak aspah, one horseman. 

This passage is unfortunately unclear and useless, because Barani has not 
supplied a commentary. first, it is clear from the following that the wages of 
78 and 234 (i. e.,78 % 3) tankahs were unusually low, and Barani has not 
stated what the ordinary rates were. Secondly, it is also clear that ’Alauddin 
takes the terms Murattab and Duaspah im a new sense, because he defines them 
for his councillors, and Barani hag not stated what their usual meanings were. 
The word Murattab does not appear to occur in later histories ; it may mean 
equipped, though murattib would give a meaning too. To call a man duaspah, 
because he joins the army with one horse, is extraordinary, and against the 
meaning which the word has in the Akbarnaémah, Badaoni, the Padishahnamah, 
&c. Vide the annotator’s note on Akbar’s Mangabs (Ain translation, p. 238 to 
247), Thirdly, we expect in the wages a proportion of 1 : 2, not 1: 3, because 
*Alauddin’s Mwrattab furnishes two, and his Duaspah one horse ; but this diffi- 
culty may be explained away (vide Ain translation, p. 251, 1. 3, where also the 
rates are given which Akbar gave his Yakaspahs. 

Badaoni’s interesting remark that Akbar’s Dagh-law had been the rule under 
*Alauddin i Khilji and Sher Shah (Ain translation, p. 242, and J. A. 8. Benegal 
for 1869, p. 126) can but little be verified by a reference to Zia’s work, though 
the word ddgh (in Akbar’s sense) occurs on p. 319, 1. 2 from below (Hd. Bibl. 
Ind.), and p. 477, 1. 6, (Muhammad Shah’s reign)—also an interesting page for 
the military history of India, inasmuch an army of 380,000 troopers is men- 
tioned, a statement which may advantageously be compared with Ain trans- 
lation, p. 245. 

7 The text has jagér, which is taken in its etymological meaning of jd-girif- 
tah, having taken a place, having taking root, vide Ain translation, p. 256, note. 

The earliest passage at present known to me, of jdgiv being taken in a sense 

24 Translations from the Térikh + Firdz Shahi. (Nora; 

ments of a soldier, as well as subsistence for his wife and family, become 
excessively cheap, and are reduced to the price of water; for if your 
Majesty can succeed in lowering the price of provisions beyond measure, 
a large force can be raised and permanently maintained according to 
the idea that has entered your august mind ; and by the aid of this vast 
force all fear of danger from the Mughuls will be averted.” 

The Sultan then consulted with his trusty and experienced coun- 
cillors and ministers, as to what he should do, in order that the means 
of livelihood might be made exceedingly cheap and moderate, without 
introducing capital punishment, torture, or severe coercion. The 
Sultan’s ministers and advisers represented, that until fixed rules 
were established, and permanent regulations introduced for lowering 
prices, the means of livelihood would never get exceedingly cheap. 
First then, for the cheapening of grain, the benefit of which is 
common to all, they proposed certain measures, and by the adoption 
of these measures, grain became cheap, and remained so for years. 

These measures were as follows: a fixed price current ; a magistrate 
(to carry out the provisions) of the law; royal granaries; prohibition 
against all sales at enhanced prices; consignment of the caravans 
of grain into the hands of the magistrate of the market; sale of 
grain by the cultivators at their own fields; publication of the price 
current daily before the throne. 

By the adoption of the seven measures detailed above, whatever 
was the price current determined before the throne, it never rose a 
ding, whether there was an excess or a scarcity of rain. 

[ For the last two paragraphs, the Ed. Bibl. Indica, p. 304, 1. 4 from below 
to p. 305, 1, 10, has the following :— 
Regulation I.—The price of grain to be fixed before the throne. 

approaching its later (Indian) meaning of lands assigned to military commanders, 
occurs in Barani (Hd, B.I., p. 40, 1. 13)— 
Bly cls} wy’ if 5 yl 
aasley giest wy 9ld2 9 ble sloae thd see 
‘He had 4000 troopers as jdgir, and held Badéion as agtd’ ; for which later 
Historians would say 
adty Sle wy! O39 HrOA10 yf 9 My ee 
The word mancab, like zaminddr, is old, and occurs éven in the Tabaqat i 
It is of interest to watch the changes of meaning which the word jdy¢r has 
gone through. 

1870. ] Translations from the Tirthh « Hiriz Shah. 25 

Regulation II—The Sultan to store a large quantity of grain in gra- 
naries. ‘ 

Regulation III.—To appoint a Shihnah (inspector) of the market (mandé) 
and trustworthy men with full power and dignity. 

Regulation IV.—The merchants (Ldrwinidn) of all parts of the empire 
to be registered in a Daftar. They are to be in charge of the Shihnah i 

Regulation V.—The revenue of the Duab and the country to a distance 
of 100 os so to be settled, that the subjects cannot even lay by 10 mans of 
grain, and the subjects to be ground down to such an extent, that they sell 
the grain on the fields to the merchants. (For otalb, 1. 2, p. 305, read 
ddalb !) 

Regulation VI.—TYo take certificates from the Collectors [kdrkundn]* of 
the country to shew that the merchants get the grain on the fields. (For 
iy WUS IS read Vy QLSD|9, as is clear from p. 307). 

Regulation VII.—To appoint a trustworthy travelling agent (barid) 
who, together with the Skihnah, is to report to the Sultan on the state of 
the market, 

Regulation VIII. for rendering produce cheap.—tIn times of drought, 
no produce, not even for a dang, uselessly to be sold in the markets. 

In consequence of these eight rules, the price of grain did not rise a ddng, 
whether there was an excess or a scarcity of rain. (The last regulation is 
not enumerated separately on p. 308 of the text). | 

The first regulation was of this description—Wheat, 7% jetals per 

mw; barley, 4 7.; gram, 57.; rice, 57.; mash, 57.; and mot’h, 
39.+ The above prices held good for years, and as long as Sultan 
Alauddin was alive, grain never did rise a ddng above that, either 
during an excess or a scarcity of rain, and this establishment of a fixed 
price in the market was considered one of the wonders of the age. 

* We should not forget that Karkun was the title of a class of Revenue 
officials under the ’Amil, or Collector. During the reign of Akbar, the ’Amil, 
had two bitikch?s or ‘ writers’ under him, whose titles were Karkun and Khde- 
nowts. Abulfazl specifies their duties in the Akbarnamah (beginning of the 
27th year). 

The Baréd (pr. ‘ runner,’ from the Latin veredus), in time of Barani had to 
perform those duties which the Waqi ahnawés under the Mughuls had to per- 
form. Vide my Ain translation, p. 258. Abulfazl, indeed, says that the office 
of the Waqi’ahnawis was an innovation by Akbar ; but from Barani (Hd. Bibl. 
Ind., p. 40, 1. 6 from below) it is quite clear that the office existed as early ag 
in the reign of Balban, though the ‘ Waqivahnawis’ was called baréd. Hence 
news agent would be perhaps a better term than travelling agent. 

+ Professor Cowell, I think, observes very correctly that these price lists 
would be more interesting, if the coins and their value were better understood, 
But they may be compared with the price lists in the Aim, p. 62, 


26 Translations from the Tartkh ¢ Firiz Shahi. [No. 1, 

The second regulation for effecting a cheapness in the price of grain 
was, that Malik Qabul [a servant of Ulugh Khén], who was a wise, 
discreet, and trustworthy noble, was appointed magistrate (shiinah) over 
the market. The official in question was granted a large estate, and a 
large body of cavalry and infantry to support his power and consequence. 
A deputy, shrewd and experienced, was also appointed from the throne, 
out of the cirele of his friends, and a distinguished travellmg agent 
[barzd] with a due sense of respect for royalty was also installed in the 

The third regulation for the same purpose was, the accumulation of 
vast hoards of grain in store-houses. Sultén ’Aléuddin gave orders that 
throughout the crown lands in the Dudb, they should take the grain 
itself in place of money payments for revenue, and send it into the 
royal granaries at the capital, while in [Shahri nau] andits adjoin- 
ing territory, they should take a moiety of the royal share in kind, and 
.that in Jhdyin and its several districts also, they should form depots 
for grain, and forward it by the caravans to the capital. In short, 
so much of the royal grain reached Dihli, that there was scarcely a 
street, which did not contain two or three of the royal store-houses 
filled with it ; and when there was a scarcity of rain, or the caravans, 
from some cause or other, failed to convey sufficient grain into the 
market, they used to bring it into market from the royal stores, selling 
it at the regulated price, and supplying the people according to their 
wants, while in Shahr 7 nau they used to consign the grain out of the 
royal depots to the caravans. By these two arrangements, there was 
never a dearth of grain in the market, nor did it ever rise one dang 
above the regulated price. 

The fourth regulation for the same purpose was, the consignment 
of the caravans to (the charge of) Malik Qabil, magistrate of the 
market. Sultan Alauddin gave orders, that the whole of the cara- 
vans from all parts of the kingdom should be subject to the magis- 
trate of the market, and their leaders should be [fettered and chained ]. 
The magistrate also was directed to keep the leaders of the caravans 
[fettered and chained | ever present before him, until they became of the 
same mind, and agreed to sign a deed on mutual security, and that until 
they brought their wives, children, cattle, and property with them, and 
get up their abodes in the villages bordering on the Jamnah, where the 

1870.] Translations from the Tavikh « Firtiz Shahé. i f 

jurisdiction of the magistrate would extend over them and their wives 
and children, and the caravans would be completely subject to him, he 
should not remove the chains from their necks. By the establishment 
of this regulation, so much grain began to pour into the market, that 
there was no need for the royal stores, and the price never rose a 
dang above the fixed rate. 

The fifth regulation for the above purpose was, the prohibition 
against the hoarding up of grain and selling it at enhanced prices. 
This check was so rigorously enforced during the ’Alai reign, that it 
was not possible for any one of the various classes of merchants, traders, 
grain-dealers, &c., to hoard up a single man of grain, or sell it 
secretly at their own houses for one ding or diram above the fixed 
price; and if any hoarded grain was discovered, it became confis- 
cated to the crown, and the proprietor was fined. Written agreements 
were also taken from the superintendents and agents of the territory 
lying within the Duab, binding them not to permit any one within 
their jurisdiction to hoard up grain, and engaging that if anybody 
was detected at this practice, the officials themselves should be 
considered at fault, and have to answer for it before the throne. 

Owing to the enforcement of this prohibition therefore, the price 
current in the market never rose a single ddng or diram either during 
the greatest superabundance or scarcity of rain. 

The szxth regulation for securing the cheapness of grain, was the 
taking of written agreements from the superintendents and agents of 
districts to this effect, that they would cause the grain to be delivered 
to the caravans by the cultivators at their ownfields. Sultan ’Aléud- 
din accordingly gave orders, that at the chief office of revenue, writ- 
ten engagements should be taken from the magistrates and collectors 
of the country lying within the Duab, which is nearest to the city» 
binding them to exact the revenue due from the cultivators with the 
utmost rigour, so that it might be impossible for them to carry off any 
large quantities of grain from the fields to their own houses, and hoard 
it there, and that they might thus be induced to sell it to the caravans 
at the fields at a cheap rate. 

By the establishment of the above regulation, no excuse was left to 
the caravans for not bringing grain into the market, and constant 
supplies consequently were continually arriving, while the agricul- 
turists also found it to their own advantage to convey as much of their 

28 Translations from the Tirikh « Firtiz Shihi. [No. 1, 

grain as they could, from their fields to the market, and sell it at the 
regular price. 

The seventh regulation for the above purpose [consisted* in this that 
reports had to be furnished of the prices current in the Bazars. The 
continuance of the prosperity of the Bazars was ascertained in three 
ways. rst, the Shihnah « Mandi had to furnish a list of prices and 
report on the condition of the Bazar. Secondly, the Barid 1 Mandi, 
reported on the quality of the articles. Thirdly, the informers who had 
been appointed for every Bazar made reports. If there were discrepan- 
cies between the reports of the informers and that of the Barid and that 
of the Shihnah, the Shihnah got for it what he had to get. But as 
the officers appointed in the Bazars knew that the Sultan got his 
reports on the transactions and the state of the market from three 
sources, it was impossible to deviate, even in the least, from the Bazar 
regulations. Experienced people that lived during the reign of ’Ala- 
uddin were astonished to see how firm the prices of articles re- 
mained; for though it is nothing uncommon to see prices remain 
firm during years when the season is good and there is plenty of 
rain, it was most remarkable that during the reign of ’Alauddin no 
famine occurred at Dihli, not even in years when there was a draught 
and people thought a famine unavoidable. Neither the grain of the 
Sultan, nor the grain of the merchants could indeed rise a single 

* Here is a blank in Major Fuller’s translation, extending from p. 308, 1. 3, 
Ed. Bibl. Indica, to p. 312, 1. 4 from below. On page 308, 1.5 from below for 

yt read gf ; 1.3 from below, dele 9, and for Sprang read WKimar, Page 310 

1. 5 read bL5 for bhiy5; the Hamzah cannot be left out, as the word is an adjec- 
tive ; l. 7 dele the Hamzah, and read ey 9 Sw for pee le 10; csitties for 
cade , 1. 12 read _3 ps for wy SS ; 1.14. Sew for yo, and pias » for 
why O205 1. 19, usta! § 5 Os for cso lw!, Paje 311, U. 4 the second word is 
birasdnand; 1. 6, dele the Hamzah of 443}; J. 13, dele y; J. 18, read 
Cops (of Shushtar or Shustar) for ise. Page 313, 1.3, read cs leas! 
or Jlgawe} for cslel ; and compare lines 14 and 15 with 1.20. Page 314, l. 6, 
ete 2 Line 10, read S#},S for dale’. 1. 11, <_ NSS for a WS 5S; 
J. 12 read te 305205 OMS for the absurd—¢ giro! pave js OS - 119. 
2 for s1,@, Page 315, 1. 10, read 395 0 for yyS Ove last line, Cron; 

for Quer} , and 43, for x40, The pages from 308 to 332 of the Bibl. Indica 
Edition look like uncorrected proof sheets. 

1870. ] Translations from the Tartkh + Firts Shah. 29 

déng, and it is certainly a matter of astonishment that no other king 
besides ’Alauddin ever did effect such results. If even once or twice 
the Shihnah i Mandi petitioned the Sultan to raise the price of grain 
by half a jetal on account of a season of draught, he got twenty 
lashes ]. 

[In seasons of draught, the merchants of each quarter of the town 
received daily a supply of grain according to the number of the in- 
habitants in each quarter, and they issued grain to the common people 
at arate not exceeding half a man per individual; but rich people 
also and notables, who were not in possession of villages and lands, got 
grain from the Bazar. If during a season of drought poor and helpless 
people crowded to the Bazars and got crushed to death, and the officers 
neglected to pay attention to the influx, the matter was immediately 
reported to the Sultan, and the Shihnah had to suffer for it]. 

[Five regulations were also given to keep all articles at low prices, 
as cloth, common sugar, refined sugar (nabat), fruits, grease, oil; and 
on account of the continuance of these five regulations, the cheapness 
of the articles continued. The prices fixed by the king did not rise, and 
the people got what they wanted. These five regulations referred to 

1. The establishment of the Sard ’ Ad. 

2. The fixing of prices. 

3. ‘The registration of all merchants in the Empire. 

4, Advances made from the Treasury to rich and respectable Mul- 
tani traders, who were put in charge of the Sardi ’Adl. 

5. Passes to be given by the chief of the town (rats)* to great and 
rich people when they wanted to purchase costly articles]. 

[The first regulation for keeping the prices of articles low, consisted 
in the establishment of the Sarde ’Adl. The open space inside 
the Badéon Gate, in the direction of the Koshak 7 sabz, which 
for years had not been used, was called Sard: ’Adi, and ’Alaud- 
din gave the order that no article belonging to the Sultan or to 
merchants of the town and the country, should be stored up in 
any other place but the Sarai ’Adi. Every article should there be sold 
at the price fixed by the Sultan, and if any one should store up wares 
in his own house, or sell them, or sell them a yefel dearer than was 

* Perhaps the Diwan, as below, in the third reculation, Baran{ uses Raés 
as equivalent to Diwdn i Riydsat. 

30 Translations from the Tarikh 1 Firiz Shahi. [No. 1, 

fixed, such wares should lapse to the Sultan, and the owner should be 
liable to severe punishment. On account of this regulation all wares 
were deposited in the Sardi ’Adi, whether in value from one hundred, 
or from thousand to ten thousand tankahs. | 

[The second regulation for the above purpose fixed the prices of 
sundry articles. Thus the prices of silk, &c., were as follows :— 

Ain eKehnes woillks Bees. se . 16 Tankaks. 
Orange coloured, raw silk, Khazz i Kaunlat 
(Aces NE rete Mele a ei Gee A) oe ae 

Half silks mixed with hair, as prescribed 
in the Muhammudan law, fine,......... 3 Z& 

iedustriped stutisesc)....-.c-+- 41's Live. tag: Wel tds 

Wommonstilisneeecsences sabes Pee oye tt he 

Red lining as woven at Nagor, ..... iis Aces 

Coarseslimin gaat Mee neces BO ee ee oh 

SMGTGDD. OMe, UM cbe na 3. 6b5.00 22 bab Rda SO ems iE 

DopasaMiddlane een en Sse. Posie aise ode 

HD Oren CO OALSE (ee Toe sites SS Oh Gea enaee hike © OL 

(SHOT Gen BIGNESS Senoodcn conbace wate eects cle 6 Le) 

Dos reescMi cd liners e Seats UN, ciate ecto 5 are ae 

ID Ove COarce. bce. cussee-c Sra tei ea 2h 

Long cloth (Aurpas), fine, .... ... ok Pye tor Zig: 

Dow es Coarse Aoi feces eases os cece tej eaees al Bel mtr gates 
Again, White sugar, ..... Rhee Sot SA eaRe sec weveee 24 Jetal, per ser. 

Light brown sugar (shakar 7 tar), ......... 12 Ji eo: 

SLOW SUAT: Bist eater ei deeanoasemiaet Ee 13 J., for 3 sers. 

Grease, of different animals, 
Sesanmveroily tees. .5. 
Waliitensmeretccis ie. s 

Cer ee eer asa, 2CCEOerer eee 

bt pet 

eo fer oe pores s oe eeecrseeee 

-» for 23 mans. 

* Regarding Khazz silk, vide Ain translation p. 92, note 4, The word 
AG 3S must be written with a hamzah above the 8, as in all other adjectives de- 

noting colour ; é.g.; EZvns pistat, looking green like the pistachio nut, goo nugrat 
looking like silver, §,g— chihra¢ pink, &c. VideJ. A. S. Bengal, for 1868, p. 41. 

Hence &LigS , looking like a 4b,5 ( Hind. an orange), as raw cocoon silk looks. 

+ The price mentioned is very high. The stuff which people now-a-days 
call Sildhaté is a kind of cloth made of cotton, and was even at the times of 

Akbar very cheap. A%n translation, p. 95. Compare the above list with Briggs 
I, p. 336. 

1870.) Translations from the Tévikh + Fira Shahi. 31 

[The prices of other fine and coarse articles may be inferred from 
those which I have given ]. 

[The Sardi ’Adl was open from early morning till the time of the 
last prayer. People thus got what they needed, and no one returned 
disappointed ]. 

[The third regulation for the above purpose was this that the name 
of the merchants of the town and the country had to be registered in 
the book of the Diwan (rats). The Sultan ’Alduddin ordered that 
the names of all merchants, whether Musalmans or Hindtis, of the 
Empire should be registered in the book of the Diwan (Diwan + 
riyasat), and further that a regulation should be made for all merchants 
in the town and outside. According to this order a regulation was made, 
and merchants had to sign engagements, whereby they were compelled 
to bring a certain quantity of wares to town and to sell them at the rates 
fixed by the Sultan. When the latter provision of the regulation was 
carried out, the articles which the Sultan had to furnish, fell off in 
in number, and the merchants that came within the regulation, 
brought a great deal of wares to the Sarai ’Adl, where they were 
stored up for a long time without being sold]. 

[The fourth regulation for the above purpose provided that 
advances from the Treasury should be made to Multani traders, so 
so that they might bring articles to town, and sell them in the 
Sarw ’Adl at the rates fixed by the Sultan. The Sultdn ’Alduddin 
ordered that advances within twenty lacs of tankahs should be made 
to rich Multdni merchants from the treasury, who were to be put in 
charge of the Sardi ’ Adi; and he told the Multanis to bring articles 
from all parts of the Empire, and sell them at the rates fixed by the 
Sultan in the Sarai. Whenever merchants did not bring articles to 
town, this regulation was applied, and articles remained cheap]. 

[The ji/th regulation for the above purpose consisted in this that 
the Diwan (rats) was ordered to grant passes for the purchase of costly 
articles. The Sultan ’Aléuddin ordered that no man should be allowed 
to buy in the Sarai Adi costly stuffs, as Tasbih, Tabrizi, embroidered, 
cloths with gold threads, Dihli losedle silks, kamkhabs, Shushtar silks, 
Hariri silks, Chinese silks, Bhiram (?) silks, Deogir silks, and other 
stuffs which common people do not use, without first obtaining a pass 
from the Diwan, and writing out a receipt for them. The Diwdn then 

32 Translations from the Tivtkh i Wirtz Shiht. (No.ay 

used to give Amirs, Maliks, great and well known men, passes according 
to his knowledge of their circumstances; but if he knew that some of 
them, though not merchants, had merely applied to him for permission 
to take costly stuffs from the Sardi ’Adl, in order to sell them in the 
country at four or five times the price at which they had got them from 
the stores of the Sultan, he refused to give passes. The very reason why 
the pass system had been introduced, had in fact been this, to prevent 
merchants, both in and outside the town, from obtaining costly stuffs 
from the Sardv’Adl at the rates fixed by the Sultan, and then taking 
them to the country where they could not be had, and selling them at 
high prices]. 5 

[In consequence of the continuance of these five regulations, all 
things remained so cheap in Dihli, as to astonish old experienced 
people. Politicians of the age used to ascribe the low prices prevailing 
during the reign of ’Alauddin to four reasons; first, the harsh way 
in which he enforced his orders, from which there was absolutely no 
escape ; secondly, the oppressiveness of the taxes and the rigour with 
which they were exacted, so that people had to sell grain and other 
articles at the rates fixed by the Sultan; thirdly, the scarcity of 
money among the people, which was so great that the proverb got 
en vogue, ‘acamel (may be had) for a dang; but where is the dang 
to be had?’ fourthly, the impartiality and consequent harshness of 
the officials, who would neither take a bribe, nor pay regard to the 
rank of any man]. 

[Four regulations also were given to maintain cheap rates for 
horses, slaves, and cattle. They were introduced in a very short time, 
These four regulations were— | 

Specification of quality, and its corresponding price; prohibition of 
purchase by dealers and monied men ; coercion and castigation of bro- 
kers, dealers, and monied men; investigation into the sale and purchase 
of each market at certain intervals before the throne. By the institu- 
tion of the four laws mentioned above, at the end of a year or two, 
such a reduction in the prices of horses, slaves, and cattle ensued as 
was never witnessed subsequent to the ’Alai reign. 

First, with respect to the specification of quality and the correspond- 
ing price of a horse, it was determined thus. Horses coming under the 
designation of taxable animals, were divided into three qualities, with 

1870. ] Translations from the Tarikh « Firda Shah. 33 

fixed prices [?]*; that of the first quality varying from 1090 to 120 tan- 
kahs, the second from 80 to 90, and the third from 60 to 70; while 
such as did not pass through the custom house [or rather, the Diwdn’s 
muster], were called tattoos (ponies), averaging from 10 to 20 tankahs. 

The second regulation for securing the cheapness of horses was the 
prohibition of dealers and monied men from purchasing animals in 
the market, or employing any one to purchase on their account. 
Sultan ’Alaéuddin directed, with regard to the establishment of the 
above regulation, which is the very basis of all laws for the cheapen- 
ing of horses, that no dealer should be allowed to go about the horse 
market. Such strictness was observed in carrying out this regulation, 
that no dealer was accordingly permitted to frequent the horse mart, 
and several of them, who for years had been getting a profit and gain- 
ing a livelihood by traffic in horses, and were in league with the chief 
brokers of the market, were fined, and overthrown, and both them- 
selves and the chief brokers were banished to distant fortresses. By 
the establishment of this regulation for the suppression of purchasing 
on the part of dealers, the current price of horses began to be very 
much reduced. 

The third regulation for the above purpose, was the coercion and 
eastigation of the chief horse brokers, who were a most arrogant, rebelli- 
ous, and audacious class of people. These they treated with immense 
rigour and severity, and expelled some from the city, until the price 
of horses began to get cheap; for these chief brokers are in reality the 
ruleis of the market, and until they are brought into order by coercion 
and castigation, and cease taking the bribes which they receive from 
both parties, and abstain from mediating between the buyer and the 
seller, the price of horseflesh can never fall. It was a matter of some 
difficulty to bring these bare-faced brokers into order, nor would they 
have behaved themselves properly except through fear of the Sultan’s 

* T do not know what Major Fuller’s MS. had. The Hdd. Bibl. Indica, p. 
313, 1. 3, has (reading asphdi for the absurd asdimt)— 

‘florses which under the designation of hasham (i. e. fit for war) passed the 
muster of the Diwan, were divided into three classes, and (pattern horses} 
were shewn to brokers with the prices fixed for them. 

The passage may be compared with my Ain translation, p. 234, bottom. 

Akbar also prohibited the export of horses (Bad. IT, 390, 1. 4 from below}; 
but he encouraged the import by wise regulations Ain, p. 133). 


34 Translations from the Tarikh 1 Firiz Shahi. [ No. 1, 

harsh disposition, whereby it was no longer possible for them to pre- 
varicate and tell falsehoods. 

The fourth regulation for the above purpose was, the investigation 
into the quality and price of horseflesh before the throne. Every 
month or six weeks, Sultan ’Aléuddin used to summon before him [for 
a day or two] a specimen™ of all these qualities of horses, together with 
the chief brokers, when he both examined and tested the quality of the 
animal, and ascertained its prices. If any variation appeared between 
its sterling worth, and the specification of its quality and price, the 
brokers suffered penalties and punishments accordingly. Owing to 
this scrutiny, inasmuch as the chief brokers were liable to be summoned 
quite suddenly before the throne, it was impossible for them to set up 
a price and quality of their own, or to take any thing from the buyer 
and seller, or to enhance or diminish, or to exceed the standard | and 
yet pass in muster before the throne ]. 

The institution of laws for cheapening slaves and cattle was manag- 
ed on the same principle, as that which I have just written regarding 
the cheapening of horses. It was not possible for dealers and monied 
men to go about the market, and shew [get a glance even at the hair 
of | a slave in any way. The standard value of a working girl was fixed 
at from 5 to 12 tankahs, and the price of a singing girl at from 20 to 
30 or 40, while one or two hundred tankahs was a price seldom 
fetched by any slave; and should a slave, such asis not to be procured 
in these days for a thousand or two thousand tankahs, appear in 
the market, who was there that could buy him for fear of the watch ? 
The price of a handsome young slave boy+ ranged from 20 to 30 tankahs, 

* Major Fuller’s MS. seems to read 43,3 for (40 (?) which the Ed. Bibl. 
Indica, p. 314, 1. 6, has. 2 

+ Major Fuller passes mildly over the obscene phrases of the text (p. 
314, the last six lines.) Kanizak « kindvt means, of course a girl for 
embracing (kindrah), a concubine, not necessarily a singing girl. The words 
Gluldman i kdrkardah and bachagén 4 nawkdért, which Major Fuller translates 
‘working mew’ and ill-favoured boys, have another meaning. Kdrkardah is the 
same as maful, not ‘working, but worked upon,’ a catwmitus; hence ghuld- 
mint kdrkardah, slaves that are practised and may be used by sodomites. 
Ghulam bachagdn i naukdré, who fetched of course less money, are ‘novices in 
the art. 

To the great joy of Barani ‘beardless slaves, beautiful eunuchs, pretty slave 
girls fetched (during the next reign) 500 to 1000 Tankahs, and even 2000 7” ; 
vide Kid. Bibl. Indica, p. 384, where, passim, we have to read on the last lines 

Ae (prices) for the absurd ag (on one line) and vishtahdi (on the other 

1870.] Translations from the Tarikh ¢« Firiz Shahé. 35 

and that of working men [?] from 10 to 15, while ill-favoured boys [?] 
were procurable at 7 and 8. 

Such penalties were inflicted on the chief brokers, that life even 
became distasteful to them; and they longed eagerly for death. 

In the cattle market, by the introduction of these regulations, the 
price of the best beasts of burthen which in these times fetch 40 tan- 
kahs, was 4, or at the outside 5 tankahs. A cow for slaughtering fetch- 
eda tankah and a half, while a milch cow was valued at from 8 to 4, 
The price of a cow buffalo in milk averaged from 10 to 12 tankaks, 
[one for slaughtering, from 5 to 6 tankahs], and that of a fat kid from 
10 to 12 [and 14] jetals. 

The cheapness of all the three markets mentioned above was so 
securely established, that it would be impossible to improve upon it ; 
and as further precaution, police men were stationed throughout the three 
markets, who used to take cognizance of all the good and bad, obe- 
dience and disobedience, and fair and unfair dealing that was going 
on in them, and were bound to furnish daily reports of the same 
to the Sultan. Whatever therefore reached the Sultan through the 
reports of the police, it was impossible that it could escape the 
most rigorous scrutiny and investigation, nor could the culprit’s guilt 
fail to be brought to light, and punishment to be inflicted upon 
him. From fear of the police, people both high and low, whether 
belonging to the market or not, became very careful of their be- 
haviour, obedient, and submissive, and subdued with fear and awe; 
nor did any one dare to swerve a needle’s point from the letter of the 
law, to increase or diminish any of the royal standard prices, to in- 
dulge in vain desires and excesses of any sort, or to accept anything 
from buyers and sellers. 

In the establishment of laws for the market people, which belongs 
to the financial department [dzwan 7 riydésai] of the State, and for the 
establishment of the price of articles sold in the stalls of the market, 
a great deal of trouble was taken; and with immense toil, everything 
connected with the markets, from caps to socks, combs to needles, 
sugar cane to vegetables, [Hartsah to broth, Qabiné sweatmeats to 
Reoris,* cakes and baked bread to rice bread and fishcakes, from pdn- 

* Réoré is perhaps familiar to allinIndia. For Hurisah, we have Abulfazl’s 
recipe, Ain translation, p. 60, 1. 18; and p. 33, Note. 

gf Translations from the Térikh + Firdz Shdhe. [No. J, 

leaves] to betel nuts, roses, and greens, was put thoroughly in order. 

Sultain ’Alauddin effected this and reduced everything to cheapness 
by instituting of his own accord the following measures: the ap- 
pointment of a superintendent of ability and judgment, with a stern, 
relentless disposition and parsimonious* character; the strict super- 
vision and control over the traffic of every person in the market; 
the appointment of a magistrate in every market on the part of 
the finance department; and the severe coercion, intimidation, and 
castigation of the market people, even to the cutting of the flesh 
of both cheeks. 

For the establishment of regulations for the public markets too, the 
advantages of which extend to the whole population at large, Sultan 
’Aléuddin made strenuous efforts, and was constantly employed in ap- 
praising every article, however slight it might be, such as needles, 
combs, slippers, shoes, cups, pitchers, and goblets; and the prices of 
all these he determined according to the estimated cost of the articles, 
with a fair profit to the seller ; and schedules of the prices fixed before 
the throne were given into the office of finance. 

The first measure for establishing the cheapness of articles, apper- 
taining to public markets, was the appointment of an able superinten- 
dent, and a stern harsh-tempered magistrate ; [for the people of the 
markets are shameless, bold, cunning, and debauched, they ‘burn’ 
fools and lie, and ......(?) ; they arbitrarily fix the prices of articles 
themselves. Kings have been unable to reduce them to obedience 
by laying down price lists, and ministers have failed to devise laws and 
regulate the transactions of this forward set of people. After much 
reflection, ’Alauddin appointed Ya’qub, the superintendent (nézir/, to 
the new office of Diwdn 7 riyasat ; for he knew the whole town, and the 
transactions and the sales and purchases of every class, and was not only 
a trustworthy and upright man, but also ill-tempered, hard and close, 
cruel and coarse. But on account of the respect in which he was held, 
and the obedience which people shewed to his orders, the Sultan gave 
him the riydsat, in addition to his duties as nézir, and the IZuhtasib- 
ship of the Empire. Such a rads conferred indeed every honor on the 
office. From the numerous corporeal punishments which he inflicted 
and had inflicted, from the imprisoning and fettering, and the 

* Kotahdast—Barani means a man who will not take a bribe, 


1870. ] Translations from the Larikh i Ftrdz Shahi. 3 

ignominies which he heaped on the bazar people, every one of them 
stood in awe of him, and sold his things cheap; but notwithstanding 
all severities and scoldings, they could not keep from giving less, or 
shewing purchasers one thing as a pattern and then giving something 
inferior, or from burning fools, and cheating and falsifying. | 

[The second regulation for keeping bazar prices low was this, that 
the Sultan should continually make enquiries ; for ifa king wishes to 
regulate the doings of bazar people who never were subject to regula- 
tions, he should not befriend ......... (?)* nor neglect continually to 
enquire into their doings ; for kings of olden times have said that it 

* The misprints in the Hd, Bibl. Indica are again so numerous, that it is 
difficult to get any sense at all. P. 316, 1. 6, read bstgd for Ebi nd ; | 11, 
co IG for (5M¢ ; 1. 14, dyTy3 (an estimate) for gystyiyy ; 1. 18, dy for yy ; 
cs eyiily for (dil; Cyaady wa) for ey Ue AY, $35 ga &iQu0 for &AQu0 
BOI} g0 95 $398) isa word, which very likely has no meaning. P. 317, 1. 5, 
read wawelsy oy (bs by for os ybieawelsy ly. 1. e), a9 asd oes for ba9 sP3e5 5 
1.10., Wd5e for Sy 943, and &é=9 for &g>9 : Us Wil, lS 9 edd for 9! Cy do 
aS ; - 1. 14, either J} is wrong, or a word has fallen out before it, as 
ba ghaflat ulfat nakunad ; 1.15, read dilgs&s for dist) 52. 17; BSSUBIE for Od jly ; 
1,19, LeRk.of for co baisonl ; 1.20, ily! on Bs i ible Eril, and dele 
Say ; 1. 22, ut for dst, P. 318, 1. 1, read wl for wh, and (5 ld,583 
for 3,533 ; 1. 8, the word cok! is twice written with a (S, though no ad= 
jective follows ;1. 4, for ylas read oyly), and wl¥oi,d for word ; 1.6 
the whole line has no sense; J. 7, again eset with an impossible a3 
U. 16, kibdér is doubtful; 7. 20, the first word is ghuldm-bachagdn. P. 319, 
LU, read pomSy gylsy for mS y yylay ; ; 1.3 dele the first g ; and for osyl read Sin ° 
lL. 5, read cs laa with 2 65 for Lyot » BoloaS for gyty ; 1.9, put the 
words teslgas toby at the end of ie a and dele the g ties wS50, which 
is moreover a bad Indian spelling for wylfy ; J. 12, sla} has received a Ham- 
zah, the editors being doubtful as to the propriety of a final (5 5 ; 0. 15, for 5s 
read 15% jf; J. 16, for «| read wt, and dele ls . 50. 17, read lyse 9, gi yoranty ; 
1, 21, dele, The sentence, moreover, is either one of Barani’s bad sentences, 

as there are two different subjects, Sultdn ’Alduddén, and on p. 320, U. 1, the 
Mughuls; or the editors have not looked up the MSS. P. 820, 1.1 dele _g after 

dyS40 ; 1, 10, the before isle has no sense; 2.11, read RISES for = ; 
1 13, for Ets) read EUG as on p. 241; but the chance is that even that is 

38 Translations from the Tivikh ¢ Féiriz Shaht. [No. 1, 

was an easy matter to clear the outskirts of a jungle, and subject dis- 
tant nations, but it was difficult to clear a jungle from within and 
suppress rebellious bazar people. But Sultan “Alauddin inquired per- 
sonally so carefully into the sales and purchases of the articles of every 
bazar as to astonish every one; and in consequence of his minute 
examination of the prices, the prices of the bazér—a very difficult 
matter—did get low. | 

[ The third regulation for keeping prices low referred to the appoint- 
ment of Shihnahs on the part of the Diwan i Riydsat. Yaquib, the 
Nizr and Rais of the town, selected and appointed Shzhnahs for each 
bazér, gave each Shihnah a copy of the price lists which had emanated 
from the throne, and ordered them, whenever bazar people should sell 
things, to write down the prices at which they had been sold; and 
should they have no opportunity to write down the sales, the Shihnah 
should always enquire from the purchasers how much they had paid for 
anything. Should then a marketman be found out to have sold 
things at a price not sanctioned by the price lists, he should be taken 
before the Raés, and the responsibility of that bazir which if they 
give less weight...... (?) the Shihnah ...... (?). The appointment of a 
Shihnah for each bazar was very conducive to keeping prices low. | 

[The fourth regulation calculated to keep prices low, was this, that 
the Nazir Ya’qub should illtreat and beat the people of the bazars 
and cut off pieces of flesh from their cheeks, if they did not give proper 
weights. Young and old people in the city were unanimous that no 
Diwin t Riydsat, in any age, could have been harsher than the Nazir 
Ya'qub ; for in every bazar he used (daily) ten, twenty times to enquire 
into the prices at which articles were sold, and at each enquiry he dis- 
covered deficiencies in weight and lashed the tradespeople mercilessly, 
and illtreated them in every possible way. But notwithstanding his 
harshness and his lashes and punishments, the bazar people would not 
desist from giving short weight ; for though they sold things at the 

wrong, for on p. 323, 1, 17, the editors have put Tdtak; 1.15, read c$l,3 for 
SL 5, ag on lines 10 and 18, unless again both are wrong ; 1, 17, read 863 0? 
for 3am : 1. 21, read 3 youl, P, 321, l.1, dele the Hamzah, which is against 
Persian Grammar ; /. 7, dele oe 1. 15, read cole }y for as sly; b 17, cs leat for 
tga} ) 5 1. 20, oy? for O98. 

1870. | Translations from the Tarthkh ¢ Hirha Shahi. 39 

fixed rates, they would cheat in the weights and decrease the quantity 
of the wares (?), and would ‘burn’ the buyers, especially such as were 
simple or young. When the Sultan ’Alauddin enquired and saw that 
the people of the bazar would not be submissive as behoved them, and 
did not desist from giving short weight, falsifying, and ‘burning’ the 
simple and the young, he called sometimes simple slaves from his 
pigeon houses, gave them ten or twenty dirhams (¢.¢., tankahs), and 
told them to go to the bazar, ordering one to bring bread and roast- 
meat, and another to fetch bread and Yakhnt, a third to bring Halwa, 
a fourth to bring feoré, a fifth, melons, a sixth, cucumbers, and so on; 
and when the boys returned with the things they had bought, the 
Sultén sent for the Rais, and had the articles brought by the boys 
weighed in his presence. Whatever was found to be deficient in the 
articles the boys had brought, was given to the Rais, and he went and 
stood before the shop of the fraudulent seller, cut a quantity of flesh 
equal to the deficiency from his two cheeks, and then kicked him out 
of the shop. These punishments were continued for some time till, at 
last, the bazar people become quite submissive, and discontinued 
giving short weight, and cheating and falsifying, and burning inex- 
perienced purchasers and cheating the young ; nay, they even gave so 
much and so correct weights, that on enquiry it was found out that 
they had given above the fixed quantity. | 

[ But this rule, these enquiries, the strictness with which the orders 
were carried out, and the punishments inflicted on the bazar people, 
came to an end with the death of Alauddin, and of all the thousand 
regulations of the ’Alai reign, his son Sultan Qutbuddin could not 
enforce this regulation. | 

Liffect of ’Alduddin’s Administrative Measures. (Hd. Bibl. Indica, 
p-. 319 to 326.)* 
[ As soon at the prices had become low and things were cheap, a 
Murattab (p. 23) could be enlisted for 234, and a Duaspah for 78 

* The following errors occur on pp. 3822 to 325 in the Ed. Bibl. Indica :— 

P, 322, 1, 2 read Asst,5 ; 1- 6 read 29> ; 1.9 the name is wrong (vide below)> 
P. 323, 1. 1, we expect pis for peo ; transfer the last Ald to the end of tho 
third lino ; 1. 12 dele .»bly ; 1, 18 read ySS or ze JSiw ; 1. 14 read jlay for lay, 
and yparidle or yys5lc for yyaidle- 7, 17 read asst for og pybeys 1.18 Gyslger foreyslgce 

40 Translations from the Térikh i Birks Shdht. [ No. 1, 

tankahs, and the army was numerous and was never disbanded. The 
recruits also of the whole empire in passing muster before the ’Arz 
2 Mamdélik were examined in archery, and such only were entered 
(cahth shudan) as were archers and had good armours. By order of 
the Sultan also, the prices of horses and the brand (digh) were re- 
gulated. | 

{ As soon then the cheapness of all necessaries of life had been 
secured, and a large standing army could be entertained, the Mughuls 
were defeated each time they invaded Dihli or the Dihli territory, and 
were slain, or captured, and the standard of Islam obtained one signal 
victory after the other over them. Several thousand Mughuls with 
ropes on their necks were brought to Dihli and trampled to death by 
elephants. Of their heads, they formed a large platform (chautarah/), 
or made turrets of the Mughul skulls, and the stench in the city of 
the dead bodies of such as had been killed in battle or had been exe- 
cuted in Dihli, was very great. The army of Islam gained in fact 
such victories over the Mughuls, that a Duaspah would bring in ten 
Mughuls with ropes on their necks, or a single Musalman trooper would 
drive one hundred Mughuls before himself. | 

[ Thus on one occasion ’Ali Beg and Tartak (?) who were the leaders of 
the Mughul army (the said’ Ali Beg was supposed to be a descendant of 
Chingiz Khan, the accursed), occupied with thirty, forty thousand Mu- 
ghuls the foot of the hills in the district of Amrohah, and Sultan ’ Alaud- 
din sent against them Malik Atabak(?), the master of horse. He attacked 
them in the confines of Amrohah, and God gave the army of Islam the 
victory. The said ’Ali Beg and Tarték were both caught alive, and the 
greater part of their army was slain and completely overthrown ; on the 
battlefields heaps were erected of dead Mughuls, and a rich harvest 

(a blunder which goes through the editions of Barani and Badaont) ; ae ) panlO, 
according to Paller’s MS., is a mistake for sie ; 1. 21, insert ay after w,3, 
and write ,il¢ for ill. P. 824, 1. 9, dele » after wlils which, like csoles, 
has the Izdfat ; 1.16, cuslyet9 is very doubtful for gfyS4y 5 for &digori 
read Sdssnsds)| : t. 18, ) ig absurd. P. 325, l. 5, read oof for dxf : t. 10, 
read _,b3 y,bi0 for_,b' only ; 7. 11, read aids , 1.12, read oyf . 1. 13, read 
Ksdzivo nutw addiyah for &yd250, or 4) dio mw’ tad bihi (many) ; 1. 22, dele the 

_g before jhas, where the apodosis commences. 

1870. ] Translations from the Térikh 1 Firva Shahé. 4] 

was brought in. ’Ali Beg and Tartak and several others, with ropes 
on their necks, were taken before ’Alauddin, who had given orders for 
a splendid darbar to be held in the Chautarah i Subhani, from which 
place as far as Indarpat the army stood drawn up in two lines. The 
crowds that were present were so great, that on that day people gladly 
paid twenty jetals, and half a ¢ankah, for a goglet of water. ’Ali Beg 
and Tartaék, together with the other captives and the spoils, were 
brought to this Darbar and marched past the throne, and all the captives 
were trampled to death by elephants in this very Darbar, and torrents 
of blood flowed along. | 

[On another occasion, in another year, the army of Islim engaged the 
Mughuls under Gung (?) the accursed, at Khekar (on the G’haggar ? 
vide p. 45, 1. 12,) and God again gave the Musalmans the victory, and 
Gung, the accursed, was captured alive, taken before the Sultan, and 
trampled to death by elephants. On this occasion also, a great number 
of Mughuls were killed, both on the battle field and in the town, and of 
their heads a tower was raised before the Badéon gate, at which tower 
people look at to the present day and think of Sultan ’ Alauddin. | 

[In the following year, three or four commanders of tumdns fell 
blindly with thirty, forty thousand Mughuls over the districts in the 
Sawalik Hills, plundering and carrying off spoil. ’Alauddin sent an 
army against them, and ordered it to oceupy the roads by which the 
Mughuls would return, and to encamp on the banks of rivers, in order to 
chastise them on their return, when want of water would bring them to 
the rivers.] The army of Islam seized the roads by which the Mughuls 
would have to return, and bivouacked on the banks of the river. By 
the will of the Almighty, it chanced that the Mughuls having overrun 
the Sawéliks, and performed a long journey from thence, arrived at the 
river bank with their horses and themselves both parched with thirst, 
and disordered. The army of Islam, who had been looking out for 
their arrival for several days, thus gained a most advantageous oppor- 
tunity over them; and the Mughuls putting their ten fingers into their 
mouths, begged for water of the army of Islam, and the whole of them, 
together with their wives and children, fellinto the hands of the latter. 
A glorious victory accordingly fell to the lot of the army of Islam, 
who carried several thousands of the Mughuls as prisoners to the fort 
of Nardinah, and conveyed their wives and children to Dihli, where 


42 Translations from the Térikh « Firia Shahe. [No. I, 

they were sold in the [slave] market, like the slave boys and girls of 
Hindtstan. Malik Khac, the Hajib, was deputed from the throne to 
proceed to Narainah, and on his arrival there, the whole of the Mughuls 
were put relentlessly to the sword, and their polluted blood began to 
flow in torrents. 

Next year Iqbalmandah headed an invasion with a large body of 
Mughuls, and Sultan Alauddin despatched an army to repel them. 
On this occasion also the army of Islam joined battle with the Dard- 
mandah force of Amir Ali [?]* and gained the victory over them. 
Tqbalmandah himself was slain, and some thousands of the Mughuls 
fell a prey to the sword. Such of the Mughul Amirs as were [com- 
manders of one thousand or one hundred] and were taken prisoners 
alive, were conveyed to Dihli, and there trampled under foot by 

After this victory, in which Iqbalmandah was slain, and not one of 
the Mughuls managed to return alive, they conceived such a dread 
and terror of the army of Islam, that the desire of invading Hindt- 
stan was altogether erased from their hearts; and until the close of 
the Qutbi reign, the Mughuls never again allowed the name of Hindi- 
stan to escape from their mouths, nor did they wander about the 
frontiers. Through fear of the army of Islam, in fact, they could not 
enjoy a satisfactory sleep ; for during sleep even they used to see the 
swords of their adversaries hanging over their heads. 

The incursions of the Mughuls were thus totally removed from 
Dihli, and its adjoining districts, and perfect peace and security pre- 
vailed throughout the country, so that the inhabitants of those quar- 
ters which were usually invaded by the Mughuls, engaged to their 
hearts’ content in farming and agriculture. 

Sultan Tughluq Shah, who in those days was called Ghazi Malik, 
acquired a great name and reputation in Khurésan and Hinditstan, 
and became, until the close of the Qutbi reign, the great bulwark 
against the advance of the Mughuls in [his] districts of Deopalpur, and 

* So Major Fuller. The Ed. Bibl. Indica (p. 322, 1.9) has joined battle at 
a place called wytts she yxo} Sd40, which has no sense. If Badaoni is correct, 
we might expect a phrase to avenge the death of Amtr’ Alt Beg. My MS. of the 
Tabaqat, however, has at wT, csté E yivo| 8d429, Dihandah (Bad. I, p. 274, 1.1.) 

was the name of a river near Ajodhan (Patani Panjab), S. W. of Deop4lpar, 
Ghazi Malik’s agtd’. 

1870.] Translations from the Tértkh « Firta Shahi. 43 

Lahor. He was appointed in the place of Sher Khan, the former* 
commander, and every year during the cold season he used to march 
out of Deopalpir with a select force of his own, and advance to the 
Mughul frontiers, and there publicly challenge} them to an engage- 
ment ; while the Mughuls could not even approach their own frontiers 
for the purpose of guarding them, Such security prevailed at last, 
that not only did no outbreak of the Mughuls occur at Dihli,t but 
their name even never passed any body’s lips. 

*..* Note by the Eprror. 
[ Synopses of the Mughul invasions which took place during the reign of 
’ Aliuddin, according to Zia 1 Barant, Nizim 1 Harawi, 
Badaébni, and Firishtah. 

(Maor Fuller’s translation in J. A. S. B. for 1869, and 1870.) 
Po A. 8. B. 696 Ulugh Khan, and hy 
1869, p. 189) <A. H. Zafar Khan. Jarimanjtir. 
2. (p. 193) 3rd year of 
reign. Zafar Khan. Caldi. Siwistan. 

3. (p. 194) Endofthe ’Alauddin, Zafar Qutlugh- 
3rd year. Khan, and Ulugh Khwajah 

Khan. and Turght. Kili. 
AeA S: BL? ’ Aléuddin besieged 
1870 p. 20) by Turghi. In Siri. 
5. (p. 40) ? Malik Atabak (?), ’Ali Beg and 
the Master of  Tartak (?) 
Horse. Amrohah. 
6. (p. 41) ? ? Gung (?) Khekar (?) 

(on the G’haggar ?) 

* The words of the Text (Hd. Bibl. Indica, p. 323, 1.1) ba jai Sher Khdén 
gadim o mustagim gashtah have no sense. Ifthe o is correct, we must read 
qawtm for qadim. Fuller leaves out the o, and reads Sher Khan é qadém, 
‘Sher Khan the former Commander ;’ but this is doubtful. 

+ Or rather, he advanced to the Mughul frontier, and having kindled the lamp, he 
searched for the Mughuls (an Indian phrase for searching carefully for anything), 
and the Mughuls found it impossible to approach thew own frontiers by way of 
visiting them. 

{ So perhaps Major Fuller’s MS. The Hd, Bibl. Indica reads, not only did 
outbreaks of the Mughuls ocewr to no one (dar dile—not dihlé—miguzdsht), but 
their name, &c. 

44 ranslations from the Térikh 1 Firtiz Shaht. 

7. (p. 41) ? 

8. (p. 42) ? 

[No. 1, 
2 iu Near some 
river beyond 
fe Iqbalmandah. 2 

Besides these, there were several attacks made by Ghazi Malik 
(later Sultan Tughluq) on the Mughuls near the Indus. 

Firishtah, (Briggs, Vol. 1). 

1. (p. 8326) 2ndyear of Ulugh Khan. Amir Daid.  Lahor. 
2. (p. 329) 697 Zafar Khan. Chaldi Khan. Siwistan. 
Senip 29) 697 Zafar Khan, Ulugh Qutlugh Khan, 
Khan, ’Aléuddin, son of Amir 
Nuerat Khan. Daid. Dihli. 
4. (p. 854) 703 A.H. ‘Alauddin besieged Turghi Khan. Dihli. 



7. (p. 864) 706 ? 

. (p. 361) 704 A. H. 

. (p. 868) 705 A. H. 

Tughlug Khan. Ali Beg and 
KhwajahTash. Amrohah. 
Ghazi Beg Tugh- Aibak Khan, 

luq. to avenge On the 
No. 5. Indus. 

Ghazi Beg Tughluq Iqbdlmandah. iq 


(Hd. Bibl. Indica, I., p. 184 to 186.) 

1. 698 A. H. Ulugh Khan, Tugh- ? Jaran- 
lug Khan. Manjtr. 
DO» ? Zafar Khan, Qutlugh 
Ulugh Khan. Khwajah, 
sonof Datd. Kili. 
3. Mahk Fakhruddin, 
relieved by Malik Turghi Baran. 
Tughluq. captured. 
4. ? Malik Manik "Ali Beg and On the 

(= Kaftr Naib 
Hazaér Dinari.) 

Muhammad MRahab. 
Taryaq (?), 
princes of 

1870. | Translations from the Tavikh « Biriz Shahe. 45 

5. ? Malik Naib, and Iqbalmandah, 
Malik Tughluq. and Kapak, 

to avenge 

No. 4. ? 

Niza’m i Harawi’. 

Nizam, in his Tabagdt « Akbar, follows Barani. The first expe- 
dition, according to MS. 87 of the Asiatic Society of Bengal—a very 
fair MS.—took place at Jéran Mayhur (sic) in Sind (1). The names of 
the Mughul commanders of the second, third, and sixth expeditions are 
given as Caldé and Qutlugh, son of Daud, and Kapik or Kabik. He 
ealls ’Ali Beg (fifth expedition) the grandson (nabisah) of Chengiz 
Khan. For A’hekar (sixth expedition), he has A’hak’harah, in all 
probability the river G’haggar near Patiala (Sarhind) ; and he says that 
the river mentioned in the seventh expedition was the Rdvé (Lahor). 

Thus we see that Barani and Nizam have more than ezght, Firishtah 
has seven, and Badéoni five invasions. Firishtah agrees more with Zia 
i Barani than Badéoni. The Mughul leader Kapaf, in expedition No. 5, 
is evidently the same as Gung in No 6 of Baranf, as £45 and ehs 
only differ in the diacritical points. As Badaoni’s events differ 
materially from those of the other two historians, I subjoin a 
translation of Badaoni (I., pp. 184 to 186). 

‘In 698, Chataldi (szc/, a leader of the Mughuls crossed the Indus, 
and invaded Hindustan. Ulugh Khan and Tughlug Khan, governor 
of Dipalptir (Panjab), who is the same as Ghazi Malik, were sent 
against him. They met him in the confines of Jaran Manjhur, 
defeated him, killed some, and captured others, and ’Alauddin’s army 
returned victorious with much plunder. 

‘The second time Qutlugh Khwajah, son of David, came from M4- 
warannahr with countless hordes to conquer Hindtistaén, and came as 
far as the environs of Dihli to Arah (?) ; but he did not ravage the 
districts. In Dihli things got very dear, and the condition of the 
inhabitants was miserable, Sultan ’Aléuddin appointed Ulugh Khan 
and Zafar Khan commanders, and sent them with a large army to 
fight the Mughuls. A battle took place at Geli (Kili), in which 
Zafax Khan was killed. In his death also ’Al4uddin saw an advan- 
tage, Qutlugh Khan fled to Khurasin, where he died,’ 

46 Translations from the Tavikh 1 Firiz Shahi. [No. 1, 

‘The third time Turghi Mughul, who belonged to the markandn (2), 
z. €., unerring archers, of his country, came with a lot of foot soldiers, 
and 20,000 intrepid and renowned horsemen, occupied the foot of the 
hills and the districts lying there, and advanced as far as Baran, whose 
governor Malik Fakhruddin, the Mir Dad, shut himself up in the Fort. 
Malik Tughluq* was sent to his relief from the capital, when Malik 
Fakhruddin left the Fort and effected a junction with Malik Tughluq. 
Both fell upon the Mughuls at night, defeated them, and captured 
Turghi, who was taken by Tughluq to Dihli.’ 

‘The fourth time, Muhammad Taryaq (?, Tartaq ?, Tarqaq?) and 
Ali Beg, who were princes royal of Khurdsan, advanced with a large 
army, one corps of which plundered Nagor, and the other occupied the 
Sirmir mountains as far as the Baydh, or Kali, river. Sultan ’Alaud- 
din sent his slave Malik Manik (?), who is thesame as Kafar Naib Hazar 
Dinari, and Malik Tughluq, governor of Dipalptr, towards Amrohah ; 
and when the Mughuls with their cattle and spoils arrived at the 
Rahab, Malik Manik fell over them from the rear. A great battle 
ensued ; both princes fought bravely, but were at last captured and 
executed. Most of these accursed invaders were killed, and those that 
escaped fled in a wretched condition to their country. The heads of 
the two leaders were fixed on the battlements of the Fort at Badaon, 
The following Ruba’i was composed by a poet of that time, and may 
now be seen inscribed on the southern gate of that town (Badéon)— 

O Fort, may God’s protection be thy friend, 

And may the conquests and the victories of the Shah be thy standard ! 
The present King has built thee up again, 

May Turghi also, like ’Ali Beg,+ be thy prisoner.’ 

‘And Mir Khusrau also has described the war of Malik Manik, who 
had now received the title of Malik Naib, in his history entitled 
Khasimulfutih, the language of which is a miracle and exceeds human 
power, though, in fact, every thing written by this Prince of poets, is of 
the same kind, so that it would be idle and wrong to make distinc- 
tions and preferring one poem to another.’ 

‘The fifth time Iqbélmandah and Kapak (?) collected an army of 

* The Hd. Bibl. Indica, p. 185, 1. 9, has wrong Malik Tughluq and Ghazi Malik. 
Tt ig one and the same man, 

+ The text has wrong’ Ald Beg. Besides, did TughInq release Turghi, whom 
he had captured in the third Expedition P 

1870. | Translations from the Tértkh 1 Firtz Shahi. 47 

Mughuls, and invaded Multan, to avenge the death of Muhammad 
Tarydq (?) and ’Ali Beg. ’Alauddin sent this time also Malik Naib 
and Malik Tughluq against them. When the Mughuls returned, 
’Aléuddin’s army followed them in forced marches. Kapak was 
caught in the fight, but he was exchanged for the prisoners and the 
spoils which had fallen into the hands of the infidel Tatars.’ 

‘From that day the desire of invading Hindustan grew cold in the 
hearts of the Mughuls, and the teeth of their rapaciousness were all on 

Of the five invasions mentioned by Badaoni, the third is not to 
be found in any other historical work. It is a matter of surprise that 
Barani should have said nothing about it, as Baran was the centre 
of the expedition. For the fourth invasion also, Baddoni has a few 
new particulars. 

I have not seen a MS. of Khusrau’s Khaszdin ulfutuh, though it 
would be of interest to examine that book as also his Qirdn ussa’dain 
from a historical point of view. 

Brigg’s Firishtah has only a few differences in the proper nouns, 
and his variations might be increased by comparing the Bombay and 
the Lucknow editions. 

Badaoni complains that ‘historians, in narrating these invasions, 
have let the thread of chronology slip from their hands;’ but it is 
not only the chronology which is unsatisfactory : the geographical de- 
tails of this period have been as much neglected by the historians, 
as in other parts of Indian History. From Firishtah and from p. 327, 
1. 1, of Barani’s text edition it is, however, clear that the Mughul 

invasions all took place before A. H. 708 or 709. | 
# ok 

Thus had Sultdén ’Alauddin eradicated the Mughuls, and stopped up 
completely the road of their invasions, while the soldiery from the 
establishment of a cheap price for every military equipment, and arti- 
cele of consumption, were in a flourishing condition. The provinces 
in every quarter were under the administration of trusty nobles and 
worthy courtiers, the rebellious had become obedient and submissive, 

and.the system of imperial taxation® | according to measurement, and 
* ?Alauddin’s house tax (gharz) and grazing tax (chard?) corresponds to the 

Khdnahshundrét and Gdoshwmari of later reigns. Both taxes were looked upon 
as illegal and odious. Vide my Ain text, p. 301, 1. 5. 

48 Translations from the Tartkh 1 Firiz Shahi. [No. 1, 

the house-tax] and the grazing duties having entered into the minds of 
all the people, all ideas of rebellion vanished from their hearts, and they 
pursued cheerfully their several avocations and trades. Rantambhur, 
Chitor, | Mandalgadh ], Dhar, Ujain, Mandu, ’Aldipir, Chanderi, Ivij, 
Siwanah and Jalor,* which are all strong places beyond the limits of 
the empire [?] had fallen under the control of various provincial gover- 
nors, and jagirdars [muqta’]; while the territory of Gujrat flourished 
under Alan [ Alp?] Khan, Multan and Sistan under Tajulmulk Kafirt, 
and Deopdlptir and Labor under Ghazi Malik Tughluk Shah, SA4maénah 
and Sunném under Malik Akhurbak Nanak (?), Dhar and Ujain under 
’Ainlmulk of Multan, Jhayin under Fakhrulmulk of Mirat, Chitor 
under Malik Abii Muhammad, Chanderi and [vrij under Malik Tamar, 
Badaon, Koelah, and K’harak under Malik Dinar, superintendent of ele- 
phants, Audh under Malik Takir [Hd. Bibl. Ind., Baktan], and Karah 
under Malik Naciruddin Sauteliyah. Kol, Baran, Mirat, Amrohah, 
Afghanpéir, Kabar, and all the districts lying within the Dudb, were 
under the influence of the same law, as if they were one single village ; 
they were crown lands, and applied to the support of the soldiery. 
The entire revenue was paid into the treasury, even to the last dang 
and diram, and in the same way was pay issued to the soldiery from 
the treasury, and the expenses of all establishments defrayed. 

In short, the imperial administration of Sultan ’Alauddin had reach- 
ed such a state of perfection that vice and crimes were totally expelled 
from the capital, and the safety of the highways throughout the pro- 
vinces had become so great, that the Hindi landed proprietors and 
tenants [ Iugaddimdn 0 Khitan] used to stand on the highroads, and 
keep watch over way-farers and caravans, while travellers with goods, 
fabrics, cash, or any other property used to alight in the midst of the 

* Mandalgarh (the Kd. Bibl. Indica, p. 323, 1. 13, has wrong Mandalk’ hiv) is 
the name of a town and Parganah in Chitor. Siwdnah or Siwdnd (Sat gue or Utsav) 
is the name of a town and Parganah in Jodhpur. For Mandi, Major Fullers 
has Mdéndi and Kahdv(?), and the Ed. Bibl. Indica has yeSgaslo for x3S,aile : 
but Mdndigarh is the same as Mandi or Mandi. 

For ’Aldipir the MSS. of the Ain have ’Aldpir. It isatown witha fort, 
and also a parganah, in the Sirkar of Gwaliar. Abulfazl says that before the 
time of ’Al4uddin it had another name; but none of the thirteen MSS. in my 
possession gives the old name legibly; the MSS. have jlgs}, les, and yleuo, 

Major Fuller’s words, which are all strong (mazbut) places beyond (kharij) the 
lumits of the Empire, are scarcely correct. Translate, which donot belong to 
mazbut districts, t.e., they were not yet under Musalman Zdbits or Governors. 

1870. ] Translations from the Tdérikh + Firkaz Shah. 49 

plains and deserts. From the excessive rigour of his rule, the good 
and evil, favorable and unfavorable transactions of the inhabitants 
in the capital, as well as the affairs of the whole of the residents 
in the provinces, were never unknown to him. The hearts of all his 
subjects both high and low were deeply impressed with awe and re- 
verence for his severe rule and harsh disposition, and the royal seed* 
having settled in the breasts of the public generally, the roots of his 
empire had sunk deep. 

It never crossed the minds of people on beholding this state of 
things, that the sovereignty would pass away from his house so spee- 
dily, and revert to another family ; and when by the aid of the acci- 
dental luck and good fortune, which attended him, the measures of his 
government turned out satisfactorily, and his enterprises, both preme- 
ditated and unpremeditated, were accomplished as speedily as he could 
wish, worldly-minded persons, who consider greatness to depend 
upon the attainment of worldly prosperity, and the success of one’s 
designs, attributed the favorable results of Sultan ’Alauddin’s mea- 
sures to his consummate ability, and imagined that the expres- 
sions which used to fall from his lips regarding the execution of state 
affairs, and the victories and triumphs of his armies, proceeded from 
inspiration. ‘Those, however, learned in civil and religious law, and 
versed in the irresistible decrees of God Almighty, [and those] whose 
far-seeing judgment penetrates the realities of things, and whose con- 
clusions are more certain that the revolution of the heavens, and the 
immobility of the earth, used to remark on beholding the frequency of 
Sultan ’Alauddin’s victories and triumphs, and the constantly success- 
ful issue of his undertakings, that every triumph and victory which 
accrued to the standard of Islam in his age, and every undertaking of his 
and ofall his subjects which turned out well, and every measure of ad- 
vantage and improvement which was apparent throughout the kingdom, 
arose from the virtues and benedictions of Shaikhul Islam Niz&muddin 
of Ghidsptr. He, (they said) is the beloved and chosen of God, and on 
his head the divine grace, bounty, and beneficence is being constantly 
showered ; and in consequence of the continual favours that are pour- 

* Verbally, the hearts of men were generally (‘4matan) settled regarding his 
rule, and the roots of his kingdom which he himself had caused to sink (into 
the hearts of men), on beholding them (the roots), it never crossed, &c. This 
is one of Barani’s bad sentences, 


50 Translations from the Tarikh ¢ Firtz Shahi. [No. 1, 

ing down upon his head, and owing to the blessings of his auspicious 
existence, which has been eternally and perpetually the object of 
divine affection, the undertaking of both the rulers and the ruled of 
this government have been accomplished satisfactorily, and the stan- 
dard of Islam has been exalted time after time with celestial victory 
and triumph ; whereas what relation can virtue and divine inspiration 
have to Sultan ’Alauddin, who is polluted with so many sins, both 
active and passive,* and from indulgence in cruelty and bloodshed, has 
become a habitual and bloodthirsty murderer. All the comforts, 
general prosperity, and perfect peace and security of people from perils 
of every kind, and the inclination of the people to obedience and devo- 
tion, have arisen from the blessings of Shaikh Nizamuddin. 

The author’s object in noticing the stability which Sultan ’Aléud- 
din’s government had acquired, and the satisfaction he enjoyed from 
the success of his undertakings, is this, that as soon as the Sultdén’s 
state affairs and negociations were settled, and his mind was satisfied 
with the condition of every quarter that belonged to him, he [built 
Fort Siriand peopled it. Sultan ’Alauddin then] engaged in territorial 
conquests. With the view of overthrowing the Hindd chieftains 
and lords of other principalities, and carrying off wealth and elephants 
from the kingdoms towards the south, he organized and equipped 
another force besides the one which he maintained for the Mughul 
inroads. —(Hd. Bibl. Indica, p. 326.) 

(Here ends Major Fuller’s translation.) 

*,* Barani then proceeds to narrate ’Alauddin’s expeditions to the Dak’hin, 
which extend from p. 326 Hdit. Bibl. Indica to p. 337. The text is, however, 
so carelessly edited that without the help of several MSS. it would be useless 
to attempt a translation. On p. 327 alone, there are sixteen blunders, gram- 
matical, historical, and typographical. The following list of corrections may 
prove acceptable. 

P, 326, 1. 20, read gist for gabast; 1, 22, khidmatiha for khidmdt; and 
for dwwum (the second) we have probably to read duwdzduhum (the twelfth). 

P. 327, U. 1., tis’a watis’ amiyah (909 A. H.) is nonsense, as ’Al4uddin 
lived 200 years earlier; perhaps we should read tis’a wa sab’a miyah 709, 
or better samdént wa sab’amiyah, 708; 1.2, read Arangul for Aratgul; Ll. 5, 

* Ma’ dt i ldzimah o muta addiyah, ‘active and passive, inherent and passing 
on to others. Crimes are ldézimah when they are clo, 4. €. attach to the sinner 

himself ; and muta’ addyah, wien a man causes others to sin. 
? y ? 

1870. | Translations from the Tartkh ¢ Firs Shahi. ol 

nabdsht for mabdsht, a grammatical blunder which is repeated four times on 
this page in different verbs! 7. 9, read murd’ dé for murd’at ; 1. 10, naparddézé for 
moapardazt; 1.12, dele kih ; l. 13, read naydyad for biydyad, which would be 
the opposite; khiyanathdi for khiyanathd ; and put a Hamgah over the last 
letter of this line; U. 16, read khiié for khiti, as required by Persian grammar ; 
1. 17, a waéw has been omitted before nek; and read nabdsht for mabasht ; 1. 19, 
read twarruz for tw azzuz, or tanaghghuz ; l. 20, read chand for chatad ; l. 22, 
spell | 555% for | 4S 2, 

P. 328,1.1 read dar for do; 1.2 for ba hamchundn read hamchundn ya ; 
l. 5, for Rébré read Répré; 1.10, khidmutthdi for khidmathdi ; 1. 22, yahtaju for 
yahtidju ; and for rishtah on p. 328 and qdbé the first on p. 329, read rishtatabt ! 

P. 329, 1. 15, read bd for az; 1. 20, for nairah read naizah ; Ul. 21, for bastand 
read bisitadand. 

P. 330, 1. 2, read khidmatihai for khidmatiyan; 1. 11, Jhdyin for Jhabin ; 
1. 16, dardngah kih for dardnkih; 1. 22, dele the first wéw, and put kih after 

P. 331, 1.10, read barkhastah for bikhdstah; p. 14, insert ard after Nizam- 

P, 333, 1. 2, read Raéprf for RdabrZ; l. 5, read lagdéimrez for lagdmztr; 1. 6, s¢ 
e shash; 1.8, raftand has no sense; J. 9, for the absurd garanhdi read az 
qaranha ; l. 11, strike out either anddézah or baydn; 1. 12, for bid read bidand ; 
1.19, for namikan read némgdn ; 1. 22, read budah ast for ast. 

P, 334, 1. 15, for »{ read only 4 ; and for hékim read hukm ; l. 20, dele the waw. 

P. 335, 1. 3, read migoyand for migoyad ; t. 12, mimanad for minumdyad ; 1, 
17, dardim for dardim (a clever spelling); l. 18, métwwaném for mitwwdénam. 

P. 336, 1. 3, dele | ; 1. 7, the word bidhkan has no sense; 1.11, read ’aldi for 
’aldi: 1.14, delethe two wu vowel signs, they are wrong; l. 17 read ’ald¢ for 
aldi; and naddsht for naddshtant; 1. 18, fareb for qariyat; l. 19, for the 
third time on this page, read ’aldé for ’aldi. 

P. 337, 1.3. Here read ’aldi for ald¢; 1. 4 andl. 5, Qdyint for Qanmé ; 1. 11, 
here read ’aldéfor ’aldi, and dele the waw before pan ; 1. 16, read again Qdyint 
for Qdnint, and perhaps riydsat for risdlat ; 1. 17, afew words are left out after 
inshd; 1, 19, the Arabic word is la yuflih, with the Persian plural, a C h not a 

> kh. 


52 Rejoinder to Mr. Beames. | No. 1, 

Rejoinder to Mr. Beames, by F. S. Growsr, Esq, M. A., B. C. 8. 
(See Vol. XX XVIII. for 1569, p. 176.) 

Mr. Beames in replying to my criticisms on his translation, has 
evidently written under great excitement ; but at this I am not sur- 
prised ; it must be very annoying for a translator of Chand to be con- 
victed of not knowing some of the commonest Hindi words. J am 
aware that nisan will not be found in Forbes, or any similar dictionary 
of modern Hindistani ; but it occurs repeatedly in the Ramayana of 
Tulsi Dés, and in the glossary appended to most native editions of 
that poem is explained by the words nagara and dankd. The deriva- 
tion is no very recondite mystery ; since the root is simply the Sans- 
erit swan (Latin sonare) with the prefix nz. In the same glossary, 
Mr. Beames will also see the word bats explained by avastha, and the 
Hindi form is so evidently a corruption of the Sanskrit, that I should 
have imagined the fact would be obvious to the merest tyro in philo- 
logy. But to discuss Mr. Beames’s reply in detail :— 

I.—I am dissatisfied with his reproduction of the text, since I 
detect in it several conjectural emendations. I should much prefer to 
have seen it precisely as it stands in the MS. and with the words un- 
divided. I also miss the concluding stanza, which I was particularly 
curious to see, as the English version of it is anything but lucid. 

II.— Mr. Beames’s sarcasms are quite innocuous, being mainly 
directed against the imperfections of my text. JI always stated it to 
be a mere fragment, never vaunted its accuracy, and am even willing 
to follow Mr. Beames in stigmatizing it as a ‘bad, faulty garble and 
jumble.’ Still the question remains, which of the two translators has 
made the better use of his materials? And further, if the differences 
are so exceedingly great, how comes it that I at once discovered in 
my copy the parallel passage to Mr. Beames’s specimen? The diffi- 
culty ought to have told equally against both of us. 

III.—Assuming my text to be faulty, my translation of it at least 
appears to be tolerably correct. Mr. Beames, with natural anxiety to 
discover the joints in my harness, has hit only upon four vulnerable 
points, which I now proceed to examine. 

1st.—He says Bijay, or subyay, as it stands in his text, (sw being 
merely an expletive) cannot be a proper name as [ translate it, but 

1870. | Rejoinder to Mr. Beames. 53 

must be an epithet, since the king’s real name is given lower down as 
Padam-sen. To this I reply that Padam-sen is not the king, but the 
king’s son, as is sufficiently indicated by the title ‘ Kunwar,’ a title 
which is never given to the head of a house, but always to one of its 
subordinate members. 

2nd.—He says mahibhuj (as it stands in his text) cannot mean, as 
I should translate it, ‘very exalted,’ but must mean ‘ long-armed.’ 
To this I reply, Ist, that the Sanskrit for ‘arm’ is not Jhuj, as Mr. 
Beames imagines, but bhwa ; and though a palatal at the end of a 
word is liable to be changed into a guttural, a palatal in the middle of 
a word and with a vowel following it is not so lable. 2nd. One of 
the MSS. reads abhang : now this rhymes neither with dwrg nor drug, 
and has all the appearance of being a gloss: it is a very good gloss on 
mahabhuj in my sense, but not at all so of mahadbhiy with the sense of 
‘long-armed.’ 38rd, Whether my text correctly represents the origi- 
nal or not, it is certain that the copyist intended the words to convey 
some meaning. Now bhw, as a corruption of bhris’ fits in equally well 
with either reading ; with Mr. Beames’s juterpretation of the word, 
my text would be absolutely untranslateable. 4th. Whether in 
this particular case, bhuj really represents bhris’ or not, it is certain 
that by the recognized rules of Prakrit formation, it might represent 
it. Hven Mr. Beames will scarcely deny this, when he reflects that 
buddha is the Hindi equivalent for the Sanscrit vriddha, and dis‘ is as 
often as not represented by dig. If the above explanation be not 
accepted, I fall back upon my old alternative and take dhug in the 
sense of Jhugat ; forming it from bhu precisely in the same way that 
khag is formed from kha. Thus his charge of ‘simple nonsense’ re- 
coils upon himself. 

3rd.—He says sevahin must be a dative plural, and is exceedingly 
amused at my regarding it as a verb. ‘To this I reply, by merely 
taking a copy of the Ramayana and opening it at random. On the 
very first page that presents itself, I find the following line— 

qsit ast Wetye aeratci— acy 
And again a little lower down — 
Gt yaa acute were ache Bee ara 

May I ask Mr. Beames if bhentahin, karahin, barakhahin are also 

datives ? Ifso I should be glad to see his rendering of the lines quoted. 

54 fiegjoinder to Mr. Beames. [No. 1, 

There is of course a dative with a similar ending of very common 
occurrence—thus on the very same page of the Ramayana fay «rate 
wat: but if ‘to servants’ were the meaning intended, the word would 
have to be not sevahin, but sevakhin from sevak, as seva means not 
‘a servant,’ but ‘service.’ Certainly my respect for Mr. Beames’s 
scholarship (in spite of his reference to Lassen) is not enhanced by 
his remarks either here or on the word dais. I strongly advise him 
to adhere to his resolution of not again attempting to answer my 

4th.—He says with regard to the line in my MS. 

WC AT YX YA Wg Alea WI silat 

“ Your text as it stands is not intelligible, and I should like to 
know by what process you get your English out of it,” and proceeds 
to be facetious about my expression ‘shimmering like a fish in a 
stream.’ Jreply that the text to my simple intelligence appears 
tolerably clear. It admits of two constructions, but both yield pre- 
cisely the same sense. If jhakh joti be taken as a compound adjective, 
its most literal translation possible is ‘shimmering like a fish ;’ the 
words ‘in a stream’ were added simply because, according to Hnglish 
usage, it would not be considered complimentary to style a woman 
‘likea fish.” If jhakh and jott be regarded as two distinct words, 
jhakh roust be taken with hir, kir and hans as forming the subject of 
the verb chharat which will then govern joti, and mdnw will stand for 
the imperative mdno ; whereas under the alternative construction, it 
stands for the substantive mdn. 

These are the only four blots which Mr. Beames flatters himself he 
has detected in my translation : it has not been very difficult to dispose 
of them.* 

TV.—On reading Mr. Beames’s text, I find that the verbal differ- 
ences are more considerable than I had anticipated (the number I 
imagine would be reduced, were the conjectural emendations expunged). 

* Referring again to Mr. Beames’s onslaught, I find there is yet one more 
point on which he attacks me. In line 4 of my text I translate prabal bhup by 
‘ puissant chiefs ;) upon which my critic writes, “‘ The puissant chiefs of Mr. 
Growse’s translation are evidently a creation of his own brain, or of his Pandit’s, 
for I do not see how he gets it out of his own text even.” It is difficult to 
answer a remark of this kind: however much Mr. Beames may disparage his 
own intelligence, I cannot believe him to be so utterly unversed in the 

language, as to be ignorant of the meaning of two such ordinary words as prabal 
and bhip, 

1870. | Rejoinder to Mr. Beames. 5d 

The general sense remains the same in both MSS, and thus I have 
been to some extent misled, and in several places have too hastily con- 
demned the translator for carelessness and inaccuracy. All such criti- 
cisms I very gladly cancel. Still it is only the minor premiss of my 
argument that requires modification, the conclusion remains unaltered. 
Thus, taking Mr. Beames’s text as he gives it me, and comparing it 
with his translation, I find in the very short space of 19 couplets 
(even after omitting the lines which his alterations have made obscure 
or unintelligible) the following formidable list of errors :— 

Mindi. True meaning. Mr. Beames’s rendering. 
nisan a kettle drum a standard 
sevahin they serve to servants 

nag a jewel a horse’s hoof ! 
khanjan a wagtail (omitted) 

ras a heap or bundle perfection 

kok a swan (anas casarca) a lotus | 

sudes well arranged fair to see 

pik betel juice a koil ! 

bay sandh girlhood (omitted) 
makarand nectar god of love. 

Further, on Mr. Beames’s translation of his 7th stanza, I would 
observe that as ang is often used to denote the numeral 6, I hesitate to 
believe that Chand speaks of 14 angs. He might speak of 14 vidyds. 
If Mr. Beames will look at his text again, I think he will find that 
what he has printed as chatur das is in the MS. chatur dis. 

Again, the obvious purport of Mr. Beames’s 10th stanza is, that the 
princess began teaching the parrot to say Ram Ram. The translator 
declares that this cannot be. Why ? Simply because he has been 
pleased to render the words ‘ Gai khel sab bhal by ‘she went to 
play forgetting all about him.’ Surely he must see that the words 
quoted can, with equal grammatical propriety, be translated ‘ she forgot 

all her play’ 

and as this is the only translation which harmonizes 
with the context, it must be the correct one. Again, in his conclud- 
ing stanza, after the word pk, the mistranslation of which I have 
already noted, comes the word sad, which he explains by ‘voice.’ 
My impression is, that there is no such word in the language as sad : 

56 Rejoinder to Mr. Beames. [ Nora} 

but, however, that may be, it is quite certain that the word here in- 
tended is rad, the teeth, and if Mr. Beames will only look a little 
more closely, he will probably find it in his MS. 

In Mr. Beames’s own phrase, ‘Is not this enough ?’ Yet one word 
more : since he speaks of me as a self-constituted interpreter, let me 
remind him that the MS. was in the first instance made over to 
me by the chief authority in these Provinces. Subsequently I 
received a requisition from another quarter that the book might 
be sent to Caleutta to be photographed. As soon as it reached 
Calcutta, Mr. Beames volunteered to edit it, and I have since seen 
no more of it. Whether of the twain, I would ask, seems to be 
rather the self-constituted interpreter ? Still, if the literary world 
are satisfied with Mr. Beames’s proficiency, I have no wish to 
interfere with him; and if he will only stay quiet for a year or two, 
and in the mean time extend his knowledge of old Hindi by reading 
a few books of the Ramayana under the guidance of any intelligent 
native—whether Brahman or Baniya, it matters not—I see no reason 
why he should not eventually produce a very creditable per formance. 

Mainpuri, Dec. 29th, 1869. 

Postscript.— Within the last day or two [have had an opportunity 
of seeing Mr. Beames’s new edition of Sir H. Elliot’s Supplementary 
Glossary. The additional matter supplied by the editor, is not very 
considerable; but under the word G‘ahlot, Inotice that he quotes 4 
lines from Chand, and refers the passage to the place which it oc- 
cupies in his MS. of the Prithirajrés. Singularly enough, it happens 
that these very 4 lines, with some verbal differences, were included in 
a specimen of the Hindi text given in an article of mine contributed 
to this Society’s Journal in February, 1869. I mention the coin- 
cidence, because Mr. Beames has excused himself from criticising my 
translation by saying that the Hindi, from which I translate, is not 
traceable in either of his copies. It is of course quite possible that 
Mr. Beames may not have seen the parallel passage as quoted by me, 
and may not have read any part of my article (since I have no 
pretensions to rank among Kuropean scholars) but, under the word 
Chandel, he apparently quoltesirom the very article, though without 

1870. ] Rejoinder to Mr, Beames. 57 

Since the immediate subject of discussion at the present moment is 
Mr. Beames, as a translator of Hindi, it may not be out of place to 
notice a few more specimens of his skill. In the original edition of 
the Glossary occur several curious local proverbs, which were nearly 
all left untranslated. Mr. Beames, in his new edition, has very pro- 
perly essayed to supply this omission; but his explanations are 
scarcely so brilliant or even so accurate as the public has a right to 
expect from a scholar of Huropean celebrity. Thus in the couplet 

Nanak, nanhad ho raho joisw nanhi dub 

Aur ghds jal jaenge dub khub ki khitb. 
to translate the last words by ‘dub remains fresh and fresh” seems 
neither literal nor idiomatic. It should rather be ‘the dub remains 
fresh as ever.’ This, however, may be a mere question of taste and 
style; but (under the word guma) to translate the words sab rang rdtr 
by ‘all coloured red’ is absolutely wrong. 

Again, the lines— 

Des Malwé gaihir gambhir, 

Dag dag roti, pag pag ntr. 
are translated by Elliot correctly enough, while Mr. Beames renders 
them thus: “ The land of Malwa is deep and rich ; at every step 
bread, on every path water ;”’ apparently confusing pag with pagdandi. 
I would suggest the following equivalent :— 

Rich and deep is the Malwa plain ; 

At every step water, at every foot grain. 
Again, ‘“ Hairy ears 

Buy these, do not let them go” 

is certainly rather a feeble representation of the lines 

Kar, Kachhouta jhabre Kan 

Inhen chhandi na lijiye an 
Which might be rendered thus— 

When buying cattle, choose the black, 

With bushy ears and hollow back. 
And, to conclude, under the heading akhtz7 occur two lines, which 
Mr, Beames leaves unaltered in their original obscurity and does not 
attempt to translate : 

Poi mdvas mil bin, bin vohini khetij, 

Sravan salono bavi kyun bakhere bij. 

58 Note on a Circle of Stones. [ No.8; 

It may help him over the cifficulty to suggest that the first word ae 
should be corrected to @x. 
Mainpuri, March Sth, 1870. 
F. S. Grows. 

Addenda.—In the 40 Hindf verses oceurring on pages 162, 163 of 
Part I. of the Journal for 1869, correct as follows :— 

Line 5, for o asz read aaa aaa, sajje buje ; 16, fore read 
Bx, aru ; and for ata read area, chhdrat ; 19, for Qt read Tt, 
racht ; 20, for ate read suite dsi ; 27, for qara read aa, chak- 
rat ; 28, for @=eyt read TESA chahutyan ; 31, for aa read ag, 
khelu ; 32, for q@Bat read FSSA chahutyo ; and for fe read aie 
phili ; 37, for aia read aim, mutt ; 38, for wa read Sq, sukhn ; 
and for Htia@ read acta, murti ; 89, for ef< read SfE here. 

Note on a Circle of Stones situated in the District of Hysoofzye, by 
Cotonen Sir Arruur Puayrs, Member of the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal. (With a plate.) 

(Vide Proceedings A. 8. Bengal, for January, 1870.) 

About fifteen miles east of Murdan, the head quarter station of the 
corps of guides, in Husoofzye, near a place called Sung Butté, is a 
remarkable circle of tall upright stones. These stones, or masses of 
rock, consist of rough slabs of granite, with a few squared, or other- 
wise worked pillars of the same material. Only ten of what appear 
to be of the original size, are now in an upright position. The rest 
lie upon the ground, some broken and some half buried in the 
ground. Two or three though still upright are the mere stumps of 
the original stones. The accompanying plate will render detailed 
description unnecessary, but a few remarks may be acceptable. 

The circle has been over fifty feet in diameter. The highest of the 
pillars which remain upright, is about eleven feet. The largest of 
the rough slabs, which have the appearance of being in the state in 
which they were quarried from the rock, is about the same height, 
two and a half feet broad in its broadest part, and two feet thick. 


Journ: Asiat: Soc: Bengal, Vol: KXXIX, Pt: 1. 1870 PL: 1 

(From a photograph) 

1870. ] Note on a Circle of Stones. 59 

The squared stones are from twelve to fourteen inches square. The 
stones are placed from three to four feet apart. There is no appearance of 
any stones having been placed across the tops of the uprights. On 
the north side, two short upright stones are placed against the taller 
ones, as if to mark an entrance to the circle. In the centre of the 
circle, there has once stood an upright pillar, now thrown down and 
half hidden with earth. A hole some four feet deep shows that this 
pillar has been undermined, probably in search of treasure. 

There are traces of an outer circle of smaller stones having once 
surrounded that now described, at a distance of fifty or sixty feet. 
The people of the country call this stone circle in the Pushto language 
Lukki Tiggi, signifying, I am informed by Colonel Keyes, C. B., Com- 
manding the Guides, ‘‘ Upright stones.’ 

The only tradition or legend they have regarding the fabric, as far 
as I could learn is, that the members of a marriage, while passing over 
the plain, were changed into these stones, by some powerful magician, 
or malignant demon. Within a mile or two there are indications, in 
the shape of granite slabs, smaller than those in the large circle, lying 
about in the fields, of other similar monuments having once existed. 
It may be mentioned also, that many Muhammadan tombs in the 
vicinity, have unusually high slabs of stone, placed at the head and 
foot of the grave. Some of these slabs, though thin, are from eight 
to ten feet high. Whether any of these have been appropriated from 
ancient ircles is doubtful; but in an adjoining village I saw two 
massive squared granite pillars about five feet high, put up as gate 
posts to a house. ‘These apparently had once belonged to a smaller 
stone circle, such as those already alluded to. 

The country of Eusoofzye is full of Buddhist remains, such as ruined 
stone monasteries, topes, idol temples, carved images, and so on. 
These stone circles are believed to be in no way connected with them, 
and they probably existed before the Buddhist era. The present po- 
pulation is almost entirely Muhammadan. They take no interest in the 
ruined buildings or monuments of the K4firs, and cannot help the 

enquirer with trustworthy traditions. 


60 A Covenant of’ Ali, fourth Caliph of Baghdad. [No. 1, 

A Covenant of’ Alt, fourth Caliph of Baghdad, granting certain Immu- 
nities and Privileges to the Armenian nation—By JoHANNES 
Avpatu, Hsq., M. A. S. 

[Received 23rd September, 1869. | 

An authentic historical document is extant, originally written in 
Cufic characters, and purporting to be an Edict or Covenant of ’Alij, 
the Lion of God, fourth Caliph of Baghdad, and son-in-law of the Pro- 
phet, bestowing certain immunities and privileges on the Armenian 
nation. The Hdict was given in the year of the Hijrah 40, or A. D. 660, 
just a year before ’Ali’s death. It was first translated into Armenian 
by Gregor Campan, on the 15th January 1767, in Astrachan, and 
afterwards by M. Saragian, authenticated by Joakim Gregor Bagratuni 
of Constantinople in the year 1804. 

I was in possession of a copy of the original document, written in 
Cufic characters, which I lent some years ago to the late Henry Torrens, 
Esq., Vice-President of the Asiatic Society, for translation and 
insertion in the Journal. It appears that this rare piece of antiquity 
was lost or mislaid among his unpublished papers. The following is a 
correct and faithful version from the Armenian translation of the Edict 
or Covenant of the Caliph ’Ali. 


“ Praise and thanksgiving to the Creator of the universe, and 
blessings upon the great chief and benign Muhammad and his sacred 

«¢ After all this, it is the purport of the translation of the Covenant, 
which was written by Hashim, the son of Athap,* the son of Valas,* 
according to the command of the blessed chief of the Arabians, and 
of the Lion of God, of the holy of the holies, of ’Ali, the grandson 
of Abttdalib, the exalted, in Cufic character, in the celebrated domicile 
of Kharanthala,* in the magnificent palace, in the month of Cafar, 
in the fortieth year of Hijrah.t 

‘¢ Whereas certain of the Armenian nation, men of distinction, famous 
for their erudition and honoured for their dignity, namely, Jacob 

* Soin the Armenian text. For Hashim the Armenian has Hdsham, ac- 
cording to the Persian pronunciation of all Arabic Part. Present. 
+ June, July, 660. 

1870.] A Covenant of? Ali, fourth Caliph of Baghdad. 61 

Sayyid ’Abdul-Shuytkh, and the son of Sahan, and Abraham the 
Priest, Bishop Isaiah, and several others, forty in number, having 
communicated with me, and being present in the enactment of this 
Covenant, solicited me to do this, and have rendered every assisance 
in their power to our agent whom we had sent to our forts and 
frontiers, (which was the occasion of our conference and the enactment 
of this Covenant)—Therefore I have made this Covenant with them 
on my behalf, as well as on behalf of all tribes of Islam, from 
east to west. To this end they are, in reality, fully under my 
fostering care and protection, as long as I live, and after my death, 
so long as the religion of Islam shall prevail, and the doctrine of 
Christianity shall continue. It shall be the duty of all potentates and 
of all princes, and of all men to carry out our Covenant by the help 
of God, so long as the sea shall be capable of wetting wool, tufts 
and briers, and rain shall descend from heaven, and grass shall grow 
from the earth, and stars shall give light, and the moon shall rise 
upon aliens and strangers. No man shall dare to violate or alter 
this my Covenant, nor increase and decrease or change the same, 
because he that increases it, increases his punishment, and decreases 
our patience. 

“‘ And those who violate this Covenant, shall be considered intriguing 
infringers of that which I have bestowed on them (the Armenians), 
and in league with those who do not profess loyalty to me. They 
also become transgressors against the divine ordinance, and thus 
incur the just indignation of the only God. 

“Moreover, the testimony of the Sayyid (Arch) Bishop and of 
the others, whose names have been written above, is a binding 
and sufficient authority. Because the principal followers of Chris- 
tianity requested me to establish a Covenant and a treaty among all 
the Christians, placed under the shadow of the rule of the Musalmans, 
now, by virtue of this Covenant, there shall be perpetual peace and 
tranquillity between Christians and Musalmans. The contents of 
this Covenant are indubitable and true, and I have given it to them 
(the Armenians) of my own accord and with a cheerful countenance. 
I shall abide by this Covenant and act accordingly, so long as the 
Armenians shall be faithful to me and continue in their loyalty to my 
government, and take no part. in opposing the religion of my people. 

62 A Covenant of’ Ali, fourth Caliph of Baghdad. [No. 1, 

If they remain steadfast in the observance of this Covenant, they 
shall resemble the Musalmans and the Mumins. 

‘‘ Moreover, I have convened together the grandees of the Musalmans 
and the leading men of my elders and dignitaries, and in their pre- 
sence have established my Covenant, which the Christian nation 
requested of me and desired to possess. I have written down and 
recorded for them conditions and stipulations, which are hereafter to 
stand firm and remain in force. Should, in future, any monarch or 
prince, or any person of rank and authority, oppress them and treat 
them with cruelty, they should produce and present this record 
of my Covenant, because it is incumbent on monarchs, and on 
all Musalmans to act according to our behests; but the Armenians 
also, by acts of fidelity and loyalty, should comply with our 
mandates and obey our will, in conformity with the contents of the 
treaty which I have made and established with them. There shall 
be no disobedience or opposition to my commands and wishes. 
Moreover, it is politic and expedient, not to molest and oppress 
the Christians, so that by the adoption of a conciliatory course, they 
might be induced to comply with the stipulations contained in this my 
Covenant. ; 

“ This my Covenant is a burden and an obligation to its recipients, 
and wearisome and irksome to maliciously disposed and evil-minded 
persons, and I desire that there should be no contention between the 
Christians and my exalted nation. But if any one shall act against all 
that I have written concerning the Christians, who have proved them- 
selves worthy of my favor and benevolence, such a person acts against 
the will of God, who inspired me with grace to do this act of goodness 
to that nation and to save them from troubles and vexations; for 
I have entered into a Covenant with them, because they requested 
and solicited it from me and from all my friends. I have thus given 
them a divine Covenant, a Covenant of patriarchs, of prophets and of 
all holy men from the first to the last. And the word of God to the 
holy prophets, which was brought down from heaven by the angel, 
enjoins obedience to the laws and performance of duties, and also faith- 
fulness to this my divine Covenant. Because the Christians under my 
authority are my subjects, and I am ruler over them, it is my duty to 
have a paternal eye over them, and to protect them from all evils and 

1870. | A Covenant of ’ Alt, fourth Caliph of Baghdad. 63 

troubles; and thus a good reward shall be given in heaven both to 
me and to my nation which is scattered in different parts of the world. 

*‘ And the scale of taxation fixed by me for these nobles should 
be strictly adhered to. No demand should be made from them beyond 
what has already been written down and sanctioned. They should 
not be molested or oppressed. ‘Their country should not be taken 
from them. They should not be alienated from their country. The 
priests should not be deprived of their holy calling. The Christians 
should not be converted from Christianity. 'The monks and hermits 
should not be disturbed in their solitudes, nor removed from their 
monasteries. Their preachers should not be prohibited to preach. 
Their habitations and their hereditary lands should not be devastated. 
Their property should not be meddled with when they build Churches. 
Nobody should remove or to pull down the bells from the steeples of 
their Churches. This is the law which I have made for them. But, 
those who shall infringe my Covenant, by disobeying my behests, 
shall be transgressors of the ordinance of God, and shall suffer severe 
punishments and eternal penalties. 

‘¢ Let no crowned head or man of authority of the Musalmans or 
believers, compel the Christians to profess the religion of Musal- 
mans. Nor let them hold any controversies with them on matters 
of religion, but let them treat them with kindness and tenderness ; 
and, under the shadow of their mercy and clemency, protect them 
from all sorts of oppression and tribulations, wherever they may 
be found or wherever they may reside. And if the Christian people 
be in want of money or in need of pecuniary help for the building of 
Churches and monasteries, for their national and social assemblies, 
and for their civil and domestic purposes, the Musalmans ought to 
assist them and supply them with the necessary means, by grant- 
ing them a portion of their superabundant and disowned property. 
And this should be done not by granting them a loan, but by way of 
charity. They should also aid them by good advice and suggestions 
in their transactions, because doing so is pleasing and acceptable in 
the sight of God and his apostle. But, if any one should infringe 
the contents of this my Covenant, he is an unbeliever and an apostate 
from the divine prophet, and he will assuredly be deprived of his 
merits, and the prophet shall look upon him with anger and 

64 A Covenant of’ Ali, fourth Caliph of Baghdad. (No.1, 1870. 

displeasure. If the stubborn and refractory shall prove themselves 
unfaithful and disobedient to the Covenant which I have established, 
they cannot remain faithful and obedient to the son of Abutélib, the 
exalted. For, whatever he may command and ordain, it is the duty 
of Musalmans to carry out his orders, by succouring and com- 
miserating them (the Armenians) at all times, so long as this world 
shall last. Glory to the Creator of the universe !” 

The tragical events of the last twelve centuries, recorded on 
the pages of the history of oriental nations, and in the ecclesiastical 
chronicles of eastern Christendom, sufficiently testify how far the 


contents of this Covenant of the pious and humane ‘Ali, fourth 

Caliph of Baghdad, have been kept inviolate by his successors and 

‘This co-religionists. 








No. I1.—1870. 

Ca tO NaS 

Memorandum on and tentative reading of the Sie Vihar Inscription from 
near Bhawalpir.—By HK. C. Bayitny, Eso., C. 8. I., C. 8. 
(With two plates.) 

I enclose a tracing of an inscription and the accompanying note 
from Major Stubbs, R. A. 

The place ‘Sue Vihar’ in which this copper-plate inscription was 
found, is situated about sixteen miles 8. W. of Bhawulpur, and the 
plate formed the bottom of a small arched chamber in which the 
vertical shaft which pierced the tower, terminated at the level of the 
summit of the mound. 

Major Stubbs says— 

‘Thename of the place, where the tower stands, is Ste Vihar. 
ts present height is about 45 feet; but report says that 6 or 8 feet 
have recently fallen. Upon approaching it from the north, it is seen 
that but half of it is standing, having been cut, asit were, right down 
the diameter, passing from N. EK toS. W. Half the exterior height is 
made up of a mound; and about 20 feet above the place where the 
tower rises from the mound, there are the remains of a large square 
chamber, about 8 feet square, its sides facing the cardinal points. 
Above the floor of this, the walls rise at present about 11 feet size. 
In the centre of the floor, there is a square hole of 16 inches, opening 


66 Memorandum on and tentative reading of the [No. 2, 

into a shaft of the same size down tothe top of themound. This 
shaft is quite exposed from about 3 feet of the floor down to the 
top of the mound, by the falling away of half the tower, whenever 
that occurred. The tower is built of very large sun-dried bricks, 
17x13 X35". But in this chamber was formerly a flooring 
of burnt bricks of the same size as the sun-dried ones, laid in lime 
cement with the copper-plate bedded in the middle, while round 
the plate on the four sides, walls of the same kind of brick and 
mortar were raised, about 2 feet high, forming a sort of chamber 
with the copperplate at the bottom. In this, the coins, mixed with 
some pieces of iron, a few beads, fragments of ornaments, all mixed 
up with ashes and earth, were found. The men who were charged 
with the clearing out of this, unfortunately pulled the whole of the 
masonry down.’ 

‘The mound upon first sight appears to be merely a heap of earth 
covered with the debris fallen from the tower; but upon closer 
examination, it turns out to be a regularly built tower, formed wholly 
of the sun-dried bricks above described.’ 

‘When we arrived on Monday about noon, such was the state we 
found it in, the workmen already assembled had dug a few holes 
here and there in the mounds, and had come upon some loose 
bricks (pucca) at the 8. HE. After some consideration, we divided 
the men into two companies, and thinking there might be a second 
chamber at some distance under where the first was found, as in the 
tope of Manikyala, we set one of the companies to sink a trench at the 
middle of the mound, carrying it right at the centre of the tower as 
shewn by the dotted line in the plan. (Vede Pl. III.) The others were 
set to work to excavate the mound where the bricks had been dis- 
covered. The result ofthe two days’ labour was the cutting of the 
trench into the heart of the tower to a depth of 10 feet below the 
original level, or 25 feet below the floor of the chamber, but as yet 
some 10 or 12 feet to the ground level remained unexplored. No- 
thing, down to this, had been found. The whole had been remarkably 
well built of sun-dried bricks of unusual compactness. The other 
work proved more interesting by uncovering a considerable portion 
of a piece of well built foundations arranged as shewn in the plan, 
consisting in some places of a double wall, 35 feet thick, with a 

1870. | Ste Vihar Inscription from near Bhawalpur. 67 

space of 1 foot between them. These were built of burnt bricks 
of the same size as the others, but not cemented with mortar. 
Excavation at this place was very difficult, owing to the quantity of 
loose and broken ‘bricks which overlaid the foundation. ‘Three 
fragments of curved bricks were found among these.’ 

‘J hear that there is another tower similar to this in another part 
of this state about 100 miles still 8. W. of this, at a place called 

I read the first nine words as follows (vide Plate I1)— 

Maharajasa rajatirajasa devaputrasa Kanishkasa samvatsaré 
ekadase (here follows the cipher for eleven, as to which more here- 
after) Daisikasa Masasa. That is ‘In the eleventh sambat of the 
great king, the king of kings, the god-born Kanishka,—of the 
month Diaisik.” 

Then follows the number of the day of the month, written 
in cipher. The tracing here is not clear, and I have failed to read it. 

So much for the first ine. The important points are, first, the use 
of the samvat of Kanishka. I have long thought that the frequent 
occurrence of this king’s name evidently in connection with a date, 
betokened the existence of a Kanishka era. It seems clear now 
that it does. The question is, what wasit? Was it the year of his 
reign only, or was it a new era? Was it the Saka era which dated 
from the death of a Saka king? Perhaps the coins found with the 
plate, might help; they show at least what coins were current in 
the eleventh year of the era. 

Next comes the symbol, evidently standing for fen. This is 
the symbol which has been hitherto conjectured to stand for a con- 
traction of ‘‘Samvatsure.”’ This discovery will render needful cor- 
rection of some dates as hitherto read, in this class of inscriptions. 

Lastly, the name of the month, evidently the Macedonian 
“Deesius,” or an attempt at it, confirms Cunningham’s conjectural 
reading of the month on the Taxila plate, and shows that in some 
parts of India, the Macedonian months were in use. I now read 
the name of the month in the Wardak inscription as ‘ Athwami- 
siyasa for ‘‘ of Artemisius.” 

This is one argument, I think, fairly deducible from the first line. 

The second line I attempt to read as—Atreswarasa Bhichusa 

68 Memorandum on and tentatiwe reading of the [No. 2, 

Naganatasa Dhakha kélisa atreyura matravisishtasa dtreyubhrate 
prasishtasa yatri éva puyae iha Damane (third line) vihar,—and 
tentatively I would read this as follows :— 

“This vihér, in Damana, for the religious advantage (puyae) 
equivalent to a pilgrimage (yatri éva..yatra-iva?) of Dhakakélis 
(Dhakukelis ?) the .... excellent mother and .... very excellent 
brothers of the Bhikshu Atreshwara of Naganata.” 

The verb must come in the third line, which I have not as yet 
had time to work out ; but I do not like to keep the papers longer. 
I will copy out the tracing, however, andif I can make any further 
probable guesses, will send them afterwards. The only impor- 
tance which attaches to the second line is that which is derived 
Gf my reading is correct) from the mention of pilgrimages, as show- 
ing that they were in use among the Buddhists of the early date 
to which this inscription apparently belongs (not later than the 
jist century, A. D.), and that they were considered as conferring 
religious merit. 

If the Society publish the inscription, they should, I think, get a 
loan at least of the plate. Itis much more satisfactory to read from 
the original than from the best tracing or copy. 

May Ist, 1869. 

Major Stubbs having kindly sent me the original copper-plate 
found at Ste Vihar near Bhawalpir, I am now in a position to 
add somewhat to the tentative readings before submitted to the 
Society, though I regret to say that I am still unable to complete 
the whole inscription. This mainly arises from doubts as to the 
value of certain characters which appear to occur here for the first 
time. If my readings, however, are right as far as they go, they 
seem to indicate that the pillar was set up as a quasi expiatory 
offering by some one who had at some period of his career lapsed 
into heresy, or into the commission of some grave crime. The 
only other point of importance brought out is the date of the day 
of the month, which is clearly the nineteenth ; but as will be seen, 
there is some difficulty as to the cypher for this, which hardly accords 
with that given for the date of the year eleven. The first figure 

Bi is either a contraction for he Ye ? (11), or else there is 

some omission in the engraving. 


) Piet, 




oh tif 

LL 9 g8 



TYE Ck Ws n2 



2 pl 

J / / / : me 4 
INSCRIPTION found at SUE VIHAR, near BHAWALPUR. Photosinsngraphed atthe Surmeyor Gerarale OFze alow 

Journal Asiat:Soc: Bengal, Vol: XXXIX -Pt:1, 1870. PU: Ul 

The Tower at Suie Vihar near Bhowdlpur 

1870. | Ste Vihar Inseription from near Bhawalptyr. 69 

The transliteration which I would now propose is as follows : 

Ist line. 
Maharajasa rajatirajasa devaputrasa Kanishkasa samvatsare 

ekadase, 11. Déaisikasa masasa divase anullvimsate x % ? 19? 
2nd line. 

P P P 

Atreshwarasa bhichhusasa Naganatasa Dhakhabhalisa. Achha- 

yuda matata vasishtusu achhayu bhrataprasishtasa yati evu puyde 
iha damane 
ord line. 
Pp oP P ? Ph) see 
Vihara samine upésika ananinda. Swasi— — — lajaya matata 

PRP BP Ff 2 
chha imraya vipatita anupatrimra anupatitata, dadati sarva budha 

Ath line. 
Strasa sukhaya bhavatu. 

Translation of the 1s¢ line. 

The translation of the 1st line cannot be mistaken, I think. It 
is merely “‘On the 19th day of the month Diisik (Aaovwos) in the 
“11th year of the divinely descended great king, king of kings 
** Kanishka.” 


*¢ For the religious benefit (equivalent to a pilgrimage) of Dhakha- 
bhalisa the good the excellent mother and of the good and pre- 
excellent brother of Atreshwara of Naganata the religious mendicant, 
(this) for the holy lord (‘‘samine”’ for swamine) the vihar, this 
worshipper gives (dadati), turned back (vipatita) from his maternal 
(virtue ?)—fallen away (anupatitata) from his ancestral....? May 
it be for a cause of happiness to all Buddhism (?).”’ 

In the second line, I have some doubts as to the reading of the 
8rd, 4th, 5th, 7th, 9th and 10th words, and my version of the 5th 
and 7th is purely conjectural. It may be a corruption of the word 

“‘ écharyya,” or more probably perhaps from the same source as the 
Hindi term for ‘ good.” 
ord and 4th lines. 

The third line is extremely dubious both as to reading and 

version, but the last compound letter of anandénda is new, though 
**d” evidently enters into the compound, and the other letters may 

70 Notes on Old Delhi. [ No. 2, 

well be ‘‘n.” The letter next after ananénda, I can only guess 
at. One seems an ‘n” or ‘¢m.” The word “irma” or ‘imra” 
(most probably the latter), may have some connection with ‘‘ amrit’’ 
which becomes in some Hindi dialects ‘‘ imrit.”’ 

The end of the third and the fourth line contains a common 
Buddhist formula employed at the end of dedicating inscriptions ; 
the word which I have rendered ‘‘ Budhastrasa’”’ is alone doubtful. 

I am sorry to have the version so incomplete, but send it so rather 
than detain the plate longer, as I have no prospect of being able to 
give that attention to it which a more complete version would 

ist April, 1870. 


Notes on Old Delhi.—By J. D. Trumuzrt, Esa., M. A., C. 8. 
[Received 12th March, 1870. ] 

In the present paper I purpose restricting my remarks to such 
ancient Hindi and Pat’hén buildings as have a historical or archi- 
tectural interest, and are situated in or around the site of old Delhi. 
As, moreover, I intend these notes to be merely supplementary to 
the learned Paper of General Cunningham on the same subject, 
published in Vol. XX XTIT. of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal, I pass over in general all matters therein discussed. 

The Tank of Stray Kundh. 

For the reasons given in the previous paragraph, I omit alluding 
to the two Pillars of Asoka, the iron pillar at Mihrauli, and-the 
Hindu period of Indrapat (Purana Qil’ah). As, however, Cunning- 
ham’s description of the tank of Siraj Kundh is confined to a few 
lines (p. xix) and that of Sayyid Ahmad in his Asdr-uccanadid 
contains one or tivo a it may be well to dwell on this in 
some detail. ; 

Sayyid Ahmad attr russ he Peenede of this tank to Suraj Pal, 
the fifth son of that Rajah Anekpal, who was the first king of the 
Tunwar dynasty, about 676 A. D.. General Cunningham, however, 
holds that the popular date should be referred to the Balabhi era, 
which would give A. D. 1061, during the reign of the second 

1870. | Notes on Old Delhi. 71 

Anekpal or Anangpal who restored the city of Delhi, making it 
again the capital of his kingdom. 

The tank which is situated on high ground in the Delhi Hills a 
mile or so south of ’ Adilabad, is not round as stated by Sayyid Ahmad, 
but is rather in the shape of an arc of a circle, since the west side is 
a straight line for very nearly its whole length, until at its north end 
it turns with a re-entering angle, and is continued a short distance 
towards a gorge which here meets the tank, and pours into it the 
drainage of the hilly ground. Except at this corner, where the 
stone-work probably was entirely discontinued to receive the hill 
streams, the tank is surrounded by a series of steps formed by large 
blocks of smoothed stone. These steps for a height of nine or ten 
feet are about the ordinary width of tank steps, but higher up, the 
space between successive steps becomes much wider, and the floor 
between is covered with cement, so as to form a succession of spa- 
cious terraces, running one above the other round the water ; the 
upper terrace which was on a level with the adjacent country, being 
surrounded with a massive stone wall. In the centre of the western 
wall, is a broad staircase with side walls of simply sculptured stone 
leading to the Fort, or fortified Haweli rather, of the constructor of 
the tank. The ruins of this building are still distinctly visible, 
occupying the hill top, which is here of no great size. ‘The outer 
wall which crowns the crest of the ravine at the North-West 
corner of the tank before referred to, is very thick, and seems very 
singularly to be constructed as two walls standing side by side and 
forming one a lining to the other. In one spot on this face, I obser- 
ved the ground had been taken advantage of to build a circular 
projecting tower. Immediately opposite the staircase leading to 
this fort, a precisely similar one was carried up to the top of the 
tank enclosure, where stands what is now a confused ruin of no 
great size, but probably once was a temple. Towards the northern 
portion of this curved side, is a sloping way for the use of cattle. 

Although this fine work now stands in a desolate and apparently 
hopelessly sterile portion of the hilly range, there are numerous 
wells and relics of ancient buildings scattered around, showing it 
was once a populous lozality. Do not the broken or dried up wells 
and ruins found so frequently in the Delhi hills, where the 

72 Notes on Old Delhi. [No. 2, 

country is now seemingly sterile as well as deserted, point toa pro- 
cess of desiccation going on there, or in the country at large, and 
felt the sooner in these Highlands ? 

The Great Mosque of the Qutb. 
The Colonnade. 

The features of the colonnades in the mosque of Qutbud-din, as 
detailed by General Cunningham are, I conceive, such as to settle 
finally the question that the pillars are not in their original posi- 
tions, but have been removed by the Muhammadans, as recorded 
over the eastern gateway, from the Hindi temples of the town. 
The fact that these beautiful Hindt columns were covered with 
plaster by the idol-hating conqueror does not rest on an inference 
from the presence of one or two groups of sculptured figures, as 
Cunningham appears to put it at p. xlix of his Paper, but in 
sheltered spots the plaster can even now be picked from the more 
deeply carved stones: besides the columns, and especially the capi- 
tals, are constantly adorned with human or divine figures which 
although usually mutilated in the face must still have stunk in the 
nostrils of Qutbud-din and his savage hordes. 

In reference to Cunningham’s remark at p. x, that “a single 
pular amongst the many hundreds that now form the colonnades of 
the Qutb Manar, may perhaps belong to the old city, that is the town 
anterior to the Tunwar dynasty, as it bears a figure either of Buddha 
the Ascetic seated in contemplation, or of one of the Jain hierarchs,” 
I would remark that in the south colonnade, and in the roofs of the 
8. E. and N. E. galleries, are several figures of seated Buddhas, or 
figures which answer exactly to the seated Buddhas of Benares and 
Ceylon, (I add this as I have unfortunately no knowledge of Jain 
sculptures). I should therefore be inclined to believe that, besides 
the column alluded to in the foregoing extract, no less than six of 
the lozenge-shaped roof compartments belong to the Buddhist 
period of Delhi. The pillars from the temples to which these roof 
compartments belonged, probably stood in that portion of the south 
cloister which has now been destroyed. 

The sculptures on these Hindt columns give us some light, 
although but little, on the garb and appearance of the people of 

1870. ] Notes on Old Detha. 73 

Delhi at the time of the Muhammadan conquest. The capitals of 
the columns are frequently formed by female figures which spring at 
the waist from the pillar, and with their heads support the roof: 
these figures appear to wear the same covering for the breasts 
which is still in use (angiya), and a waist cloth, the stomach being 
bare ; they wear as ornaments bracelets, armlets, chains round the 
neck, often with lockets attached, and a singular looking chain 
passing from the necklace over the left breast and reaching to the 
waist covering ; also waist chains, and in one group, of dancing girls 
apparently, pendant chains depend from this waist chain over the 
thighs. These female figures have usually a kind of coronet on 
their heads, but Iam inclined to think this was added to give a 
larger space of support to the beam above. The workmanship of 
the ornaments is very varied, and many of the patterns are highly 
artistic. The men appear to wear dhotis, with the end hanging 
down in front. Elephants covered with a pad and horses are seen 
ridden ; the head-gear of the latter is much like that now in use, 
but the riders seem to have no stirrups; there are chains round the 
animals’ necks like the chains of white shells still in fashion. ‘The 
riders on the elephants are strangely enough depicted as riding 
across the creature’s back, as if it had been a horse. Over the 
north gate is a car with a heavy, clumsy wheel. I have observed 
no instance of a camel being introduced. Among the articles of 
furniture, may be seen round earthen pots and beds like those now 
in use, and round ottomans apparently of open cane-work. If I be 
right in identifying certain pyramidal carvings as temples, they also 
were in shape much like those erected now-a-days; that they were 
low buildings, the height of the columns now standing in the cloisters 
clearly shows. So far therefore as these glimpses of a past age 
serve us, the subjects of Prit’hvi Rajah differed little in appear- 
ance from their descendants of to-day. 

Before quitting this subject I would mention that besides the 
two slabs described by General Cunningham at page xlix, there 
are numerous similar narrow slabs containing groups or processions 
built into the wall or roof, but usually so mutilated or filled with 
plaster, that itis difficult to discover their meaning ; perhaps though 
the greatest difficulty is caused by our ignorance of the occurrences 
or history of which these are the dumb records. 


74 Notes on Old Delhi. [No. 2, 

On the construction of the Mosques. 

At p. xlvili General Cunningham speaks of Qutbud-din’s 
mosque as a wall pierced by a line of seven arches. This must 
surely be a Japsus calami for fwe, which is the true number, the 
colonnade being carried into the mosque by a continuation of the 
straight roof of the arcade. 

A great difficulty I conceive with regard to these buildings is the 
manner in which the body of the mosques was roofed over. 
Enough, however, remains to show clearly that the line of the roof 
cut the arches, and that even columns stood in, and on the line of 
the open arches. Barbarous as it may appear that these noble 
arches should have their beauty marred, by being cut at about half 
their height, by the line of the roof of the room behind, there can 
be no doubt from an inspection of the ground, that such was the 
case; and it should be remembered, that there is no connection 
between the arts of sculpture and architecture, and that it is in no 
sense improbable that the men, who could carve the pillars of the 
so-called ‘ But-khanah,’ and cover the mosque wall with its elaborate 
and delicate tracery, would be still quite incompetent to attempt 
the feat of raising the body of the mosque to the height required 
to correspond to the lofty wall which the conqueror directed to be 
built: in fact, the whole mosque is clearly the work of men who 
did not know how to extend the appliances and skill which sufficed 
for Hindt temples, low in height and limited in area, to the more’ 
difficult task now imposed on them; while many proofs can be 
drawn from the early Pat’han buildings to show that at the time of 
the conquest they had to depend on their Hindu subjects, and that 
the glories of Pat’han architecture were the results of the subsequent 
progress of a race now enjoying the wealth of India, and the 
leisure which such fortune brings. One other question anent the 
roof remains; v2z., whether the mosque itself was a two-storied 
building or not. On mature consideration, I am inclined to 
believe not, as in one place, a dome still remains above the first 
floor, which is coated on the outside in the same manner as the 
other domes are, which were exposed to the weather ; whereas, if a 
second floor had been superimposed, this would probably have 

1870. | Notes on Old Delhi. 75 

been left without a special coating in the midst of the material 
intervening between the roof below and the floor ‘above; and se- 
condly, I am not aware of any case of a story being built above the 
story on the Court level. The only thing to support the theory of 
a double story is the bad effect of arches opening below into a 
room and above to the sky ; and a block of stone projecting on the 
back of the front wall of the north mosque at a height above the 
level of the roof, and looking as if it belonged to the support of a 
roof or other erection at that higher level. As to the first of these 
reasons, the remaining features of the building, as already discussed, 
show how unsafe it would be to apply our notions to the way in 
which these arches were treated ; and as to the second point, although 
I have no theory even to offer as to the purpose to which the pro- 
jecting stone was applied, it seems less difficult to admit this than. 
to hang on it alone the anomaly of an upper story. 

Extent of the Mosques of Shams-ud-din Altamsh. 

From the language used by General Cunningham at p. 2, it is 
clear that he considers the whole of the longer and outer southern 
cloister as belonging to these mosques. With all deference to his au- 
thority as an archeologist, I more than doubt whether the cloisters 
of Altamsh extended further than the Qutb Manar itself, and the 
portion to the east, I believe, belongs to a later period, probably 
that of ’Ala-ud-din Khilji. I found this on four reasons ; first, the 
pillars to the west of the Manér are all of one pattern, and this the 
same asin the fragmentary colonnade before the east door of the 
lesser mosque, which I consider belongs to this erection, while the 
columns to the east of the Mandar, which are also all alike, are of a 
different pattern; seconddy, the line of the columns to the east and 
west of the Manér is slightly different; thirdly, the stones facing 
the wall at the-east end are larger and better cut than those in the 
west part; and /astly and principally, the windows in the wall 
near the mosque are oblong, and generally resemble those in Qutb- 
ud-din’s building, whereas to the east from the Manér downwards 
they are arched and filled in with trellis work in red sandstone, 
and closely resemble the windows in ’Alaud-din’s porch. I infer 
therefore that Shamsud-din’s north and south walls reached only 

16 Notes on Old Dethi. [ No. Z, 

to the line of the Manar, and were connected by a triple colonnade 
without a wall, which was probably omitted owing to the close 
proximity here of the east wall of the inner mosque. Considering, 
however, the admirable taste with which the ground was cleared 
by Major Smith of rubbish (!!), to make way for paths and flower- 
beds, it is possible that a wall may have stood at this end, of which 
all traces are now gone. I conceive that ’Aléud-din added, not 
only his gateway, but also enlarged the cloisters by the columns to 
the east of the Manar, possibly altering or pulling down a little of 
the S. EH. corner of Altamsh’s arcade, in order to join on his new 
Sultan Ghiri. 

About three miles to the N. W. of the Qutb are some remains of 
considerable historical interest, known in the neighbourhood as 
Sultan Ghari. The principal building is said by Sayyid Ahmad to 
be the tomb of a prince Sultan Nacir-ud-din Mahmud, the eldest 
son of Altamsh, who died in his father’s lifetime, and by whom 
this tomb was erected in his honor in 1229, A. D. The tomb is 
approached by a lofty flight of steps which leads to a door sur- 
rounded by an inscription in white marble in the old Kufice charac- 
ter. This gate enters on a small court; in the centre of which 
stands a large octagonal vault rising about four feet above the yard, 
the outer sides being coated with slabs of marble; in one side is a 
small door which opens on a flight of 15 steps leading to the bot- 
tom of the vault. This crypt which is only lighted from the door 
is faced with the stone of the neighbourhood, and supported by 
massive columns ofthe same. In it are the tombs of three adults 
and one child, all massively built, and covered with chunam, in the 
style of those in the mausoleum at Tughlugabad. At the west end 
of the court, isa marble qgiblahgdh, handsomely carved: along both 
the east and west wall, is a single covered colonnade of fluted pillars, 
and in front of the entrance, and opposite it, in front of the qiblah- 
gah, the roof of the colonnade is raised into a low dome lined with 
projecting rows of carved stone in the Hindi fashion, as seen in 
the domes of Qutbud-din’s mosque. The pillars which support 
the giblahgah dome are, like the qiblahgah itself, of white marble 

1870. | Notes on Old Delhi. rer 

and project slightly beyond the line of the rest of the colonnade. 
At the four corners of the tomb yard, are small circular towers sur- 
mounted by low domes, built in the Hindu fashion, by layers of 
stone projecting one above the other. If the learned Sayyid have 
rightly interpreted the inscriptions on this tomb, this will be, I 
believe, the earliest in India of any interest in the eye of the histo- 
rian. The popular name is probably a corruption either of the 
word Ghor?, a not inapplicable race-name to give to a son of 
Altamsh, or is derived from the vault (jl¢, ghar) in which the 
tombs are built. 

At the south side of this tomb, and on the natural surface of the 
ground, stand two monuments, each consisting of eight columns and 
surmounted by domes. These tombs stand each in a small enclo- 
sure, consisting of a low rough stone wall, entered on the east sides 
by narrow gateways. These tombs, Sayyid Ahmad considers to be 
those of Ruknud-din, the son and successor of Altamsh, and of 
Mwizzud-din Bahram, another son of the same emperor. I presume, 
he identifies these tombs from the account given of their repair by 
Firtz Shah ; for there is not a vestige of inscription on or about the 
tombs themselves, so far as I could discover. The pillars in the 
more eastern tomb closely resemble those in Nacirud-din’s. The 
domes, as they exist at present, I have no doubt are the work of 
Firtiz Shah, who is said to have repaired both buildings, as their 
shape and size points to a much later era than the Hindi-lke 
domes of their brother’s tomb hard by; and the rubble masonry of 
which they are constructed, while quite in the style of Firtiz Shah’s 
time, contrasts unnaturally with the massive stone slabs by which 
the columns are surmounted. I greatly doubt if in the early portion 
of the 13th century, the Pat’hans had acquired the art of surmoun- 
ting a spacious building by a dome, and am inclined to believe that 
they finished them off by a few projecting layers of stone, leaving 
the centre open to the sky, much in fact as in the case of the tomb 
of Shamsud-din Altamsh, which there appears to be little reason 
for considering to have ever been domed over, Firiz Tughluq’s 
annalist notwithstanding. Ata short distance from Nacirud-din’s 
tomb is an interesting specimen of the mosque of those times, when 
Hindi temples were not at hand to be plundered. The mosque 

78 Notes on Old Delhi. [| No. 2, 

roof, which is flat, rests on parallel rows of columns, from each one 
of which, excepting of course the outside rows, spring four narrow 
arches, two resting on the two adjacent pillars in the row parallel 
to the west wall, and two on the two adjacent pillars in the row at 
right angles to that wall, the spandrels of the arches forming a 
part of the solid roof, which is built of rubble masonry. 

Tomb of Ghiasud-din Balban. 

Just beyond a mosque known at the Qutb as that of Jaméali 
Kamali, stand the remains of the tomb of this famous slave ling. 
It is situated in a small yard, surrounded by a low wall, pierced 
by a row of arched openings. Under the north door, which is 
approached by two flights of steps parallel to the wall, is an aper- 
ture, out of which water seems to have flowed through a pipe, as a 
slab of stone worked into the ordinary honey-combed pattern, is 
placed under the pipe. The tomb itself is a square building of 
masonry, covered with plaster and painted. The four corners have 
been cut off on the exterior by a six-sided recess becoming circular 
at the top. Inside over the east and west doors are inscriptions in 
Arabic. There is no trace now of the actual grave, and the inside 
is encumbered with massive fragments of the dome which has 
fallen in within recent memory. The qiblahgah is constructed 
in the wall of the court, which, opposite to the west door of the 
tomb, is raised to about double the height of the rest of the wall. 
The gateways in the court wall are narrow and flat at the top, but 
arched over with masonry. Ibn Batité, who visited Delhi about 
fifty years after Balban’s decease, says (p. 113, Lee’s Translation), 
“‘ One of his (Balban’s) pious acts was his building a house, which 
was called the House of Safety; for, whenever any debtor entered 
this, his debt was adjudged; and in like manner every oppressed 
person found justice; every manslayer deliverance from his adver- 
sary; and every person in fear, protection. When he died, he was 
buried in this house, and there I myself visited his grave.” If the 
Dar ul-aman were no larger than the tomb or even its court, the 
skirts of Balban’s protection were but scanty ; I should be inclined, 
however, to think that the tomb was erected in the grounds of the 
house, both because the present area seems too limited for an 

1870. | Notes on Old Dethi. 79 

Alsatia, and also because it was not the custom for these Pat’hans 
to be buried within actual dwelling-houses, and I take it, the Dar- 
ul-aman was probahly such, or a row of such dwellings, possibly in 
the form of a Sarai. Sayyid Ahmad who was perhaps unacquainted 
with this almost contemporary statement of the Arab traveller, 
places the tomb at Mihrauli (the Qutb) and the House of Safety 
some miles off, close to the shrine of Niz4mud-din, where is a 
village called Ghidsptir. As is his wont, the Sayyid does not give 
his reason for the identification, but if it rest at all on the name 
of the village, that seems too common a one to be worth much. 

A’ dilabad. 

This fortress, attributed to Muhammad Tughlugq, lies on the 
southern side of the tank, in which the tomb, erected by this king to 
his father, was situated. Although on amuch smaller scale, this 
place, like Tughluqabad itself, consists of a strong fort on the 
highest ground and an outer line of fortifications probably enclosing 
a small town or bazar. These outer fortifications diverge from 
the Fort wall close to the main gateway, and after enclosing a 
considerable space of ground to the south, approach close to the 
Fort at its east end, and then by a double line of walls cross the 
head of the tank on an embankment and join the walls of Tugh- 
luqabad, Inside the citadel of this place are still to be seen the 
foundations of the palace. 

At a short distance to the west of ’Adilabaéd stands another Fort 
with its dependent fortified suburb. This place which is very much 
smaller than even ’Adilabad, goes in the neighbourhood by the 
unintelligible name of the Sweeper’s Fort, or the Washerman’s 
Fort. Inside the Fort, and scattered over the hill on which it 
stands, I found numerous fragments of red sandstone, showing that 
an ornamental building of some nature had once stood within the 
fortress, but all other traces of it have now disappeared. Both this 
place and ’Adilabad are built in the style of Tughluqabad of enor- 
mous blocks of stone. It seems difficult to believe that Firtz 
Tughluq succeeded the builders of these works, which embody the 
highest ideas of simplicity joined to strength. 

80 Notes on Old Delhi. [ No. 2, 

The Palace of Firtzabdad. 

The ruins known as ‘ Firtiz Shah ké kotilah’ close to the Delhi 
gate of the modern city, undoubtedly constitute only the palace of 
Firtizébad, which itself reached far into the modern town of 
Shéhjahan, and on the other hand it, or its suburbs, are said to have 
stretched to the present village of Hauz Khiac¢, and to Indrapat. 
T have carefully searched, and I believe not a single inscription 
can be found throughout the whole palace, probably because time 
has kindly removed or blackened the plaster in which this king so 
delighted. Immediately to the south of the pyramid, on which 
Asoka’s pillar has been set up, is the mosque, which Sayyid Ahmad 
identifies as the Jami’ Masjid of Timur Lang’s days, and its size, 
situation, as well as the absence of any other ruins on the old river 
bank, which could be the mosque in question, render this highly 
probable, notwithstanding its position inside the palace. If, how- 
ever, it be the mosque, then that gracious monarch seems to have 
been guilty of exaggeration in describing it as a “noble mosque of 
polished marble” (Elphinstone’s Hist. of India, p. 358), as it is only 
built of masonry, covered with plaster, and can never have been 
anything else, since in one.or two places, ornamental medallions of 
raised plaster work still remain on the walls, and bear due testi- 
mony that the building was not raised in a reign of marble and 

Mosques of Jahin Khan. 

General Cunningham speaks of the Adlé Masjid, now within the 
enclosure of modern Delhi, as a characteristic and favourable speci- 
men of the architecture of those days, It is a trite saying De 
gustibus non est disputandum, but it seems difficult to see what 
there is to admire in low colonnades, surmounted by rows of hemi- 
spherical domes of small diameter, each one touching its fellow, 
with one of larger size here and there over a gateway. It may be 
doubted too, if the sloping walls which crown so proudly the crests 
of the Tughluqaébad hills, are much adapted for crowded streets, 
especially when for huge blocks of squared stone are substituted 
paint and plaster. However, for admirers of the later Tughluq 
style, I may observe that the mosque at the village of Khirkhi by 

1870. | Notes on Old Delha. 81 

Muhammad Tughluq’s hand, and that of Begumpur near the 
road from Delhi to the Qutb, are both much finer specimens of 
Jahan Khan’s erections than the Black Mosque. Whatever may 
be the architectural beauties, however, of these mosques, they have 
a certain historical interest, as they were the fruits of Jahan Khan’s 
desire to ingratiate himself with the people, when he was taking 
advantage of his master Firiz Shéh’s age and consequent imbecility 
and his own position as vazir, to intrigue for the succession to the 
already almost vacant throne. _ 

Tomb of Firtz Shah Tughlug. 

This monument stands in the village of Hauz Khac. It isa 
square lofty building of masonry. The principal entrance is on the 
south, where a stone wall of grey sandstone about-two feet high 
with a broad coping stone forms a diminutive court by which to 
approach the door, which is raised by three steps, and is wide and 
oblong, but set in an arch, the upper portion being filled in with 
stone lattice work; the lintels and side-posts of the door are of grey 
stone, and at the top, the side-posts are made to project and carved 
slightly. The east doorresembles the one just described; at the 
west and north are recesses in the wall, resembling those in which 
the opposite doors are set. At the side of the north recess isa 
narrow pointed arch now blocked up, but leading apparently to the 
Madrasah. At a considerable height above the floor, the shape of 
the walls is changed from a square to an octagon and then to a six- 
teen sided figure and so on, by filling up the corners with masonry 
worked into a beautiful honey-comb kind of pattern, and richly 
painted. The dome, a hemispherical one, is of considerable dia- 
meter, with a large circle painted in an elegant pattern at the top, 
from which belts cutting each other are drawn down to the bottom 
of the dome. In the intersections of the belt are three rows of 
medallions of different sizes and figures: the belts and medallions 
being all painted on the white ground of the dome. Outside the 
south door is an Arabic inscription. Round the top of the square 
building, and around the low cylinder, from which the dome springs, 
is a narrow band of red stone, carved in a graceful pattern. Inside 
are three marble, and one masonry tomb, all much injured. Sayyid 


82 Notes on Old Delhi. [No. 2, 

Ahmad states that Nacirud-din Tughlug and ’Aléud-din Sikandar 
Shah (the Humayin Tughluq apparently of Elphinstone) also lie 
buried here. Adjoining the tomb to the north is a range of low 
masonry buildings, probably the Madrasah which Firiz Shah erect- 
ed here; although at present unoccupied, this building is blocked up 
by the walls by which the villagers have adapted it to the wants 
of their modern civilization. Around the royal tomb are numerous 
open monuments of the common form of cupolas resting on pillars. 

Tomb of Mubarik Shah. 

Near the tomb of Cafdar Jang, stands the little village of Muba- 
rikptir. This is built in the midst of a large yard surrounded by 
a stone battlemented wall. The gates leading into this Court have 
the side posfs and lintels of grey stone, and are oblong in shape 
except at the top where the side posts project in the usual fashion. 
About the actual doorway, is a narrow line of plain blue encaustic 
tiles, and below two full blown lotus flowers in white marble. A 
short approach from this gate leads to the tomb itself, a massive 
octagonal building constructed of the grey stone of the country. 
It stands on a plinth, approached by an ascent of two steps with a 
sloping way of stone between. The tomb is surrounded by a 
covered colonnade ; the pillars, twenty-four in number, stand on the 
edge of the plinth. ‘These pillars are of a highly peculiar form, 
being oblong, and so cut as to present the appearance of two oblong 
shaped pillars joined by a narrower belt; at each corner of the 
octagon, the outer pillar is strengthened by a buttress of solid stone, 
which greatly contributes to the general appearance of strength 
and solidity which characterize the building. The dome springs 
from a low cylinder, ornamented with colour and with sixteen finials. 
The dome itself is crowned with an open octagonal lantern of red 
stone; around the dome are eight octagonal cupolas resting on 
low pillars. There is only one door into the tomb, that to the 
south, which is of similar construction to the one in the outer 
court. In the space between the lintel of the doorway and the 
apex of the arch in which it is set, is a fan-light of lattice work in 
stone. The other six apertures, except the west one, answer to this 
south doorway, except that the doorway in their case is filled up 

1870.] Notes on Old Delhi. 83 

with stone lattice work, divided by two horizontal bars of solid 
stone. The west side is filled up with a handsomely carved qiblah- 
gah, also in stone. ‘This niche wall is also carved on the reverse. 
Above the range of the doors are four arched windows in stone 
openwork and over them springs the dome. This is of ample 
diameter and is painted with belts of colour running diagonally 
from the bottom up to a circle of colour which fills the centre. Im- 
mediately under the centre of the dome is a tomb of a man, and to 
the right two women’s graves, while in arow nearer the south 
door, are the tombs of two females, and two male children. All 
these graves are of stone; but owing to the tomb having been 
formerly utilized as a dwelling-house, I was unable to discover the 
stone of which the tombs and the qiblahgah were constructed, but 
I rather think it was marble. At a short distance to the south- 
west inside the court-yard stands a three-domed mosque evidently 
of the same period. The wall of this building is pierced with five 
arches resting on low square pillars of grey stone plainly cut. 
_There is a second row of columns running down the centre of the 
This tomb is considered to be that of Mubarik Shah, the second 

of the Sayyid dynasty ; Sayyid Ahmad, however, doubts whether this 
‘be the tomb of the king, as the town which he was building when 
murdered, and where he was buried, was on the banks of the Jam- 
nah, which Mubarikpur never can have been. Unless indeed, the 
historical evidence be express that the monarch was buried actually 
within, and not in the vicinity of his unfinished town, I think the 
tomb itself affords strong evidence that the tradition is right, and 
that the name of the site relates to the hapless Sayyid. The shape 
of the dome, the limited use of encaustic tiles as a decoration, the 
fashion of the door ornaments, all point to the early part of the 
fifteenth century as the date of the building, while the. costly 
nature of the tomb, the ample court in which it stands with its - 
accompanying mosque, seem to place it beyond the means of a 
mere nobleman, especially at a time when Delhi was at its lowest 
point of depression. Unless therefore there be strong contemporary 
evidence against it, I am inclined to think that the principal tomb 
is that of the second Sayyid king. 

84 Notes on Old Dethi. [No. 2, 

At a short distance from Qafdar Jang’s tomb, close to the road 
leading to Niz4mud-din, is the tomb of Muhammad Shah, the next 
Sayyid. It resembles, however, Mubarik Shéh’s so closely, as to call 
for no special description, The surrounding court here has perished. 

Tomb of Buhlil Lodhi. 

This tomb stands close to the shrine of Nacirud-din Raushan 
Chiragh i Dihli, and is now unfortunately occupied by the lomberdar 
of the village. The interior is therefore dark and dirty, but the 
gravestone of carved stone is still visible ; it is now a dark brown 
colour, the result I presume of discoloration. Above, the tomb is 
surmounted by five domes, the centre one being somewhat higher 
than the rest and ornamented with vertical flutings. 

Tomb of Sikandar Lodhi, 

About a quarter of a mile from Cafdar Jang’s tomb, close to an 
ancient bridge which probably stood on the road leading from 
Firtizabad to one or other of the towns stretching from Siri to Lal- 
kot, stands the mausoleum of this greatest of the Lodhis, who, though 
he died at Agrah, is said to have been buried here by his son and 
successor. The tomb closely resembles in style that of Mubarik 
Shah, but the increased perpendicularity of the dome indicates a 
somewhat later period. There is a large court surrounded by a 
battlemented wall, with a gate in the south wall. This gate is 
protected by a square outwork in front, the means of egress being 
by turning to the right and passing through an aperture in the 
west side of this advanced work, the south side being a continuous 
wall, At each end of this last named wall, are two cupolas adorned 
with encaustic tiles. 

Dihli Sher Shéh. 

In regard to the southern limits of this city I entertain great 
doubt if, as General Cunningham considers, it ever reached so far 
as to include within its walls the Mausoleum of Humaytn. My 
reason for holding this view is, that just opposite the west gate of 
Purana QiVah stands a gate, now known as the Lal Darwazah, in 
the same style, though larger and finer than the Lal Darwazah 
opposite the jail, which latter is generally admitted to be a north 

1870. ] Notes on Old Delha. 85 

gate of this city. On both sides of this southern gate, are protect- 
ing towers and a little of the wall, both the gate and the walls 
being to all appearance those of an important city from the size 
_ and appearance, and yet their direction is such as to make it in- 
conceivable, especially as Purana Qil’ah was then standing, that 
they could have been part of an enceinte including Huméayin’s 
tomb ; this argument rests on the narrowness of the space between 
the gate and the old course of the river compared with the distance 
southerly to Humaytn’s tomb, and also on the fact that the wall 
to the east of the gate turns northward and not southward. If too 
I be right in identifying the masses of masonry between the north 
gate of Purana Qil’ah and the road as being a part of the wall of 
Dihli Sher Shah, the argument is considerably strengthened, as 
then the wall would be found running more than half amile north 
of the mausoleum. I think too the authorities quoted by General 
Cunningham at p. Ixxix of his paper may be interpreted consistently 
with the view I am taking. Finch’s statement of ‘two kos’ was 
undoubtedly his own approximation, or else the popular distance, 
and I think if allowance be made for the windings of the streets, 
for there seems no reason, from the nature of the ground, for 
believing that the two gates which chance to remain were connected 
by a straight road, the distance between them might be set down 
roughly at two os, though undoubtedly somewhat less. Again 
it seems a somewhat arbitrary assumption, that the gate near the 
jail was the chief north gate: there can be no doubt that many of 
the gates must have perished, and this particular one is by no means 
on so grand a scale as the one opposite Purana Qil’ah. The bridge 
might well be said to be only a short distance from Dihli, even if 
the walls stopped at Purénd Qil’ah, as the suburbs would beyond 
question extend some way beyond the wall along so important a 
road asthe Mat’hura one must then have been; and this considera- 
tion seems to meet Purchas’ statement that Humaytn’s tomb was 
in the city. At any rate before the southern limits be fixed below 
Humiytin’s tomb on the authority of this writer, for the quotations 
from Finch seem quite inconclusive till we know where his 
north gate stood, it seems to me essential that some satisfactory 
account should be given of the great gate opposite Purana Qilah 

86 Notes on Old Delhi. [No. 2, 

and its adjoining walls, as well as of the wall opposite the N. W. 
corner of the just named fort. 
Purdné Qil’ ah. 

Although the walls of this Fort are attributed to Humayan, both 
the buildings now remaining in it, are attributed to Sher Shah Sur, 
and exhibit Pat’han architecture at its highest perfection. 

The Jami’ Masjid which has recently been repaired by Govern- 
ment with great success, is a large building of grey stone, of five 
arches. ‘These arches are all more or less elaborately adorned with 
inlaid stones of marble, red sandstone and a kind of black basalt, 
the stone-work being elaborately carved with passages from the 
Qoran, and scroll work. Nothing but a painting can do full justice 
to a result in which colour and workmanship alike contribute to the 
charm which the spectator cannot but feel. The qiblahgdhs are 
also carved in marble and adorned with inlaid patterns and red sand- 
stone, the ceiling and dome have been covered with painted patterns. 
It may suffice to point out ‘certain characteristics of this style of 
mosque. Above the doorways, in the upper portion of the arch in 
which they are set, are introduced small arched window-like -aper- 
tures: at the north and south sides, oriel windows are constructed, 
surmounted with cupolas resting on pillars. These oriel windows are 
also introduced into the back wall of this mosque, while each end of 
the back wall terminates in a rounded tower running to the top of 
the building. Mosques belonging to this period and exhibiting 
the style, will be found in the Jamali Kamali mosque at the Qutb, 
in the North Masjid near Mubarikpur and in a nameless -mosque 
at Khairpir, about a third of a mile from Cafdar Jang’s tomb. 
This last mosque is noteworthy, as being perhaps the finest 
remaining specimen of the success with which the Pat’hans worked 
inscriptions and tracery in stucco. 

The other building in Purana Qil’ah, the Sher Mandal, which 
derives its interest from being the place where Humdytn met with 
the fall which caused his death, is an octagonal building of red 
stone standing ona plinth. The first story is solid, but in the 
second there is a room panelled with encaustic tiles to the height of 
about 3 feet and painted above. This room is a square from which 
lesser squares have been cut off at the corners, as shown in the 


1870. | Notes on Old Dethi. 87 

~ figure. On the roof is an octagonal cupola; the supporting 
uP pillars of red sandstone have their shafts richly carved with 
chevron work, and the bases are also worked with an elegant 

Proposed Criteria towards fixing the dates of Pathin buildings at 


Although there is a very wide difference indeed between the 
barbarous simplicity of the Sultan Ghari mosque, and the stately 
Jami’ Masjid of Sher Shah’s days, a very little observation will 
show that these changes have taken place in successive periods and 
not arbitrarily, and so regularly as to enable the date of any 
building of size to be very closely approximated to. 

One of the most conspicuous parts of Pat’han building is the 
dome, and in the shape and fashion of the dome, these successive 
developments of Pat’han architecture are very clearly marked. 
I have already pointed out that the first conquerors were compelled 
to use Hindu builders; accordingly, the dome of the early slave- 
kings is constructed of successive concentric rings of stone, the 
diameter of each layer being somewhat less than that of the layer 
below it, the whole being capped by a circular stone, covering the 
small remaining aperture. This Hindi looking dome, which is 
of small height and usually of trifling base-diameter also, is coated 
on the outside with masonry and stucco. Instances are the domes 
on the Qutb mosque and in the tomb of Nacirud-din at Sultan 

I conceive it was the coating just mentioned which taught the 
Dihli Pat’hans the secret of building their domes on truer principles. 
They found that this masonry coating would stand without the 
layers of projecting stones below ; and then I assume that all 
subsequent advances were mere questions of the natural develop- 
ment of the secret just obtained. Accordingly in the lower part of 
Mibrauli is now standing an old mosque rudely built, in which the 
domes resemble in diminutiveness those of the Qutb mosque, but 
are constructed without any under-coating of stone-work. 

Towards the end of the slave dynasty and in that of the Khilji 
princes, the dome is broader and higher in a considerable degree. 
It springs, however, still directly from the flat roof, without any 
intervening cylinder. The remains of Balban’s tomb and the 

88 Notes on Old Delhi. No. 2, 

gateway of ’Alaud-din Khilji at the Qutb may be instanced as 
shewing the style of this half century. 

The dome of the early Tughlug period is marked by the intro- 
duction of a low cylinder of a slightly larger diameter than that of 
the dome, from which the latter springs: the domes too are of a 
somewhat peculiar shape, as seen in the well known tomb at 
Tughlaqabad, and in that of Shaikh Calahud-din between Shéhpir 
and Khirkhi. In Firtz Shah’s time, the cylinder has considerably 
increased in height, and becomes a conspicuous object in the 
dome-construction ; the curved portion of the dome is still continued, 
however, down to the place where it springs from the cylinder. 

Under the Sayyid and Lodhi lines (the fifteenth century), the 
changes consist in increasing still more the length of the cylinder, 
which is now adorned with dimunitive pinnacles, and in bringing 
the dome down to the cylinder by a curve which for a greater and 
greater distance from the base tended, as time went on, towards a 
straight line as its limit. 

I may add that this lengthening of the cylinder and strength- 
ening of the lower lines of the dome, was the direct cause which 
led to the introduction of the ‘‘ false dome,” (witness Huméytn’s 
tomb, and those standing near it); the graceful forms of Shah- 
jahan’s day being a later improvement. 

Among the other criteria may be mentioned the doorways, and. 
these are often useful in distinguishing between buidings from 
Firtz Tughluq’s time and downwards; the aperture was always 
oblong, though usually set in an arch (i do not now speak of the 
arches in mosque walls), and ornamented at the top by side-posts 
being made to project. These doorways, which ‘are wide and 
ample in Firuz Shah’s days, became subsequently more and more 
narrow, while the ornamentation at the top became more finished 
and elaborated, until specimens are found to rival even the 
beautiful workmanship of Fathpir Sikri and the Agrah Fort. 

Besides the foregoing tests, buildings belonging to the Tughluq 
dynasty, may be recognized usually by the slope of the walls, 
described by General Cunningham; those of Jahan Khan by the 
sloping walls and multitudinous small hemispherical domes, while 
during the fifteenth century, there was a gradually increasing use 
of encaustic tiles. . 

1870.] Notes on Archeological Remains at Shah ki Dheri. 89 

Notes on Archeological Remains at Shth ki Dhert and the site of 
Taxila.—By J. G. Deumurick, Hse. 

[Received 18th April, 1870. | 
(Vide Proceedings for June and July, 1870.) 

T have the pleasure of sending you a photograph of certain heads 
and images recently dug up near Shah ki Dheri. 

The images are of stone, but the heads are of common plaster, 
and are evidently those of Buddha; for they closely resemble the 
figure of Buddha as depicted on the cover of Beale’s new transla- 
tion of Fa Hian’s pilgrimage. 

Shah ki Dheri is about three miles from K4lé Seréi on the La- 
hor and Peshawar road. Near it are still to be seen the remains 
of fortifications several miles in circumference. The area enclosed 
within the walls is known to the people as Kot Atval.* The soil 
is rich and is covered with mounds and the debris of ancient habi- 

Indo-Seythic and Indo-Bactrian coins are commonly turned up 
by the plough, and on former occasions very interesting Bactro- 
Buddhist relics have been brought to light by actual digging of the 

In 1859, a plate or plates of copper covered with Bactro-Pali in- 
scriptions were found by Nur, a chadim or servant in the masjid 
of Ghilé adjoining Shah ki Dheri. Nur presented this plate to the 
late Mr. A. A. Roberts, then Commissioner and Superintendent of 
the Rawal Pindi Division. 

Again im 1861, the same Nur found a stone trough, a crystal 
figure, representing a duck ora turtle and a gold leaf bearing a 
short Bactro-Pali inscription, all of which are fully noticed and de- 
scribed in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, No. 2 of 1862. 

* Probably Atelites. ‘“ According to De Guignes, their name was properly 
“MJe-le or Tie-le to which, from their inhabiting the banks of the Oxus, the 
“syllable db, ‘ water” was prefixed. They are commonly confounded under 
“the denomination of Indo-Scythi with their predecessors, the Sakas, and 
*Yu-Chi; as is done by Gibbon when he observes. that the Indo-Scythe 
“ reioned upon the confines of India from the time of Augustus to that of 
© Justin the Hilder, A, D. 6380” (vide note 3, page 388 of Wilson’s Ariana Anti- 


90 Notes on Archeological Remains at Shah ki Dheri. [No. 2, 

In 1863, Nur likewise discovered a bar of pure gold, worth about 
400 Rs. which, although it was not interesting in an archeological 
point of view, led to the inference that the city, which once existed 
in the neighbourhood, had not only been very large but very weal- 

The plate of copper discovered in 1859 was sent to Calcutta by 
Mr. Roberts, and was described by him to have been found at 
Hasan Abdél. I am not aware of the reason why Hasan Abdal 
was selected above all other places, perhaps because, though seyver- 
al miles away from the place of discovery: it is on the Grand Trunk 
road, and is the nearest town best known to Kuropeans, or more 
probably because Nur brought this curiosity to Mr. Roberts, while 
he was encamped at Hasan Abdal. 

I have visited the locality, and have personally inspected the 
mound where the plate of copper was found. The name of the 
place is Topi, a small tope having existed here once. It is situated 
midway between the village of Mohra Moradt, and Mohra Mal- 
liar, and is on the boundary of the lands belonging to the village 
of Gangu Jumma. It is about two miles to the north-east of the 
ruius of Kot Atial. 

Professor J. Dowson of Sandhurst College, in a letter* addregs- 
ed to Mr. EH. Thomas, translates the inscription on the plate as 
follows :— 

‘<Tn the year seventy-eight (78) of the great king Mogo on the 
‘fifth (5) day of the month Paneemus, on this notable occasion the 
‘‘ satrap of Chhahara and Chukhsa by name Liako Kusuluko de- 
‘posits a relic of the holy Sakyamuni in the Sepatiko, which he had 
‘¢ established in the country called Chhema, north-east of the city 
‘of Taxila in honor of the great collective body of worshippers, 
‘and of all the Buddhas, for the honoring of his father and mo- 
“ther, for the long life, strength and prosperity of the satrap’s son 
‘¢ and wife, for the honoring of all his brothers and relatives and 
“ for making known his great liberality, fame, and success.” 

The great king Mogo is identified by General Cunningham and 
Professor Dowson to be the same as the Moa or Mauas of the coins 
which are frequently found in the neighbourhood. 

* Published in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, No, 4 of 1863. 

1870.] Notes on Archeological Remains at Shah ki Dheri. 91 

Liak, the name of the satrap, is still a common name among the 
Hindus of this part of the country. 

Kusuluko represented probably the family name or title a Kusu- 
lu Kadphises. 

General Cunningham believes Chharhara and Chukhsa to be 
Chuch and Huzara. There are, however, about 15 miles to the 
north-west of the spot where the inscription was found, in the 
"Haqah of Haroh, two villages within a couple of miles of each other, 
still known by the name of Chahar and Chukshaia or Shai. There 
are extensive ruins near both these villages, where Indo-Bactrian 
and Indo-Scythian coins are often found. Iam of opinion there- 
fore that Liako Kusuluko was the satrap or governor of the ’Haqah 
or district of Haroh, of which Chahar and Chukshai were the chief 

Moreover I think that the ruins near Shah ki Dheri can be 
no other than those of the celebrated city of Taxila, and, in addition 
to what has been stated above, my reasons for believing them to be 
so, are as follows :— 

- I.— According to Menu,* the King is recommended to fix his 
capital in a fertile part of his dominion, but in an immediate neigh- 
bourhood, difficult of access, and incapable of supporting invading 
armies. Any one looking at the site of Kot Atial would at once 
preceive that the city must have been builtin strict accordance with 
the precepts of the Dharma Shastra. 

II.—Taxila is described by the Greek writerst to have been 
the largest city between the Indus and the Hydaspes. The ruins 
are very extensive, having still the appearance of a very large forti- 
fied town. ‘There are no ruins at any other spot in the Sind Sagar 
Duiab covering even half as much ground. 

IIJ.—Pliny{ calls Taxila a famous city lying on a low, but level 
plain, the general name of the district being Amenda. Chhema was, 
however, the name of the country where the relics, according to the 
inscription, were deposited. No such country is now known, but 
chhema is a Sanscrit word, signifying pardon, forgiveness, absolu- 

* Chapter VII. of the Code. 

+ Arrian, Chapter VIII, Book V., et passim. 
{ Book VI., Chapter 23, 

92 Notes on Archeological Remains at Shah ki Dherv. ({WNo. 2, 

tion. Perhaps then the locality or country was expressly set apart 
for the deposit of propitiatory offerings “‘ to all the Buddhas’ par- 
ticularly as the whole of the surrounding country from Khurram 
Gujar on the one side and Khanptr on the other, is dotted with 
small topes,* the majority of which have been almost entirely de- 
molished by zamindars and others, in search of coins and relics 
which. are-eagerly bought by dealers in the town of Rawal Pindi. 

TV.—General Cunningham has translated the word utarena pra- 
chu in the inscription, as Worth West, for no other reason as far as 
T can see, than because the inscription was stated to have been 
found at Hasan Abdal, north west of Manikyéla, which he thenf 
believed was the site of Taxila; but the inscription was not found 
at Hasan Abdal at all, as has already been stated, but at a place 
called Topi to the Worth East of Kot Atial, which is now believed to 
be the spot where Taxila once existed. Professor Dowson asserts 
that the letters ‘‘ of the word prachu (east) are as perfect and dis- 
“tinct as any in the whole inscription and they form most unequi- 
*“ vocally the word prachw.” 

Y.—In the itinerary of the Chinese traveller, Hwan Thsang, Tan- 
chashilo, or Taxila, is described to be on the boundary of India 
towards the north, and a dependency of Cashmere. Certain slokas 
in the Ramayana also allude to Taxila (Takshilla) as a dependency 
of Cashmere, and in the latter itis stated that the name of the 
town is derived from the founders of it, vzz., Takshan, the son of 
Bharata; but itis possible that the name may be derived from 
Taksh, a celebrated serpent-god, and sla a stone or rock: the hill 
overhanging the valley of Kot Atial having a serpentine’ appear- 
ance, as viewed by me from Khurram Gujar. Or the name of the 
town may have originated from a passage cut through the hill like 
the Margalla Pass in the vicinity, from taksh, to cleave, and sila, 
a stone. 

VI.—When Alexander the Great halted at Taxila to refresh hig 

* General Cunningham in 1864 found the remains of 58 small topes at and 
near Shah ki Dheri, 

+ Subsequently in a letter, dated 23rd January, 1864, to the address of Col. 
R. Maclagan, Secretary to Government, P, W. D., Punjab, the General declar- 

ed that the ruins in the neighbourhood of Shih ki Dheri were almost certain- 
ly the remains of Taxila. 

1870.| Notes on Archeological Remains at Shah ki Dhert. 93 

army, the brother and ambassadors of Abisares* who was king 
of Abisara (the Abhisara of the Hindus) or the modern Hazarah, 
waited upon him with tribute, and Pliny} distinctly states that 
above Taxila, among the mountains, is the territory of Abisares. 
It is therefore apparent that Taxila must have been near Hazérah 
to menace the safety of his kingdom, and to render it expedient for 
Abisares to propitiate the Macedonian. It is hardly worth while 
to mention that Shah ki Dheri is on the borders of the Hazérah 

VII.—In excavating a mound near Mohra Malliar, there was re- 
cently found part of an upright column of a temple, probably the 
temple of the sun which Apollonius after crossing the Indus is 
said to have visited at Taxila. The column was of sandstone and 
clearly belonged to the Grecian style of architecture, and it has 
been ascertained that General Cunningham discovered in 1864 at 
this very spot the remains of a similar pillar which was removed 
to Lahor, and is now on the grass plot in front of the Museum. In 
describing the pillar, the General in a letter dated 23rd January, 
1864 to Colonel Maclagan, states ‘‘ that the base is a specimen of 
‘¢ what is called the Attic base, and as it is unornamented, I believe 
‘it to have belonged to an Ionic column. The only difference 
‘‘ hetween this Taxila specimen and those of Greece, is in the upper 
“fillet which at Athens was made of smaller diameter than the 
“upper torus, but which in this specimen is made of exactly the 
“* same diameter as the upper torus.” 

VilI.— Hwan Thsangt states to the south-east of Tanchashilo 
at 30 li (6 miles) was a monastery built by Asoka. 

To the south-east 5 miles from Kot Atial near the village of 
Khurram Gijar almost half way up the hill, there are ruins still 
existing, probably of this very monastery. These ruins are called 

Hwan Thsang further adds that to the south-east of the town 
was a stupa built by Keu-lang-nu, the son of Asoka. 

* Arrian, Chapters VIII. and XX. Book V., and Quintus Curt. Chapter XIII, 
Book VIII. 

+ Sec. 28, Chapter XXVIII. Book XV. 

ft Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for July 1848. 

94 Notes on Archeological Remains at Shah ki Dhert. (No. 2, 

To the south-east of Kot Atial near the village of Shahpur a 
large tope still exists. It was opened by General Ventura in 1832, 
with what result is not known. 

TX.—Fa Hian* a Chinese traveller in the beginning of the 5th 
century after Christ states that “at this place (Takshasila) and at 
another place to the eastward, two days’ journey from it, the people 
have raised great towers, adorned with all the precious substances.” 

The second tower to the eastward is very probably the Great 
Tope of Manikyala which is at the present time by the shortest 
route over the Shah Aladitta hill, not less than 85 miles or two 
days’ journey from Shéh ki Dheri. 

X.—Pliny| gives the distance of Taxila from the Indus to the 
Hydaspes at 120 Roman miles or 110 British miles. By the 
ancient road of the country abandoned for the present Grand Trunk 
road, the distance from Shah ki Dheri to Rawal Pindi was 30 
miles, avoiding the old Margulla cutting which, according to the 
inscription still existing there, was completed in A. H. 10838 cor- 
responding with A. D. 1672, or about the time when the Emperor 
Aurangzeb marched to Hasan Abdal and sent his son Prince Sul- 
tan with an army against the Khattaks and other Trans-Indus 
tribes ; and from Rawal Pindi to Jhelam, the distance was 80 miles 
via Manikyala, Dhamak and Rahtis. The whole distance there- 
fore exactly agrees with Pliny’s statement. 

* Beale’s Fa Hian, Chapter XI, page 32. 
* Book VI. Chapter 21. 


List of Kashmiri words. 95 

List* of words and phrases to be noted and used as test words for the 
discovery of the radical affinities of languages and for easy comparison, 

drawn up by Mr, Justice CAMPBELL.—Translated into Kashmiri, by 
W. J. Husmire, Hsq., M. D., Srinagar. 

Rules for the pronunciation of the vowels and consonants made 

use of in this list. 

Fo © Oc 




orm bé 


as the u of ‘ but.’ 

represents a sound which must be learned from the lips of 
a native of Kashmir. 

as the a in ark. 

nearly as the au of ‘ cause.’ 

as ai in aisle. 

as ou in sound. 

as y In my. 

in sounding this letter, the tongue is turned back and made 
to strike the roof of the mouth. 

as e in pet. 

as a in spade. 

as fin fall. Kashmiris nearly always change the sound of 
f into that of p aspirated. 

as g in goat. 

as g aspirated. Kashmiris cannot pronounce the letter 
ghain correctly. 

agsiin pin. The Final i is pronounced very slightly. 

as ee in glee. 

as k aspirated ; 44 is generally incorrectly sounded by the 

as n in the French mon. 

as nh in the Spanish Coruna. 

as o in not. 

as 0 in tone. 

* The two Kashmiri and Gond Vocabularies given in the following pages 
have been drawn up according to Mr. Justice Campbell’s Model Vocabulary. 
Their distinguishing feature lies in this that the words are expressed in 
the Persian and Nagiri characters, which removes every doubt as to the correct 
pronunciation, Tur Hpiror, 

96 List of Kashmiré words. [ No. 2, 

ph asp aspirated. 

r in pronouncing this letter, the tongue must be rolled back 
upon itself. 

t in sounding this letter correctly, the tongue is rolled back 
and made to strike the roof of the mouth. 

ts as in cots. 

u as in pull. 

ti as u in rule. 

Meanings of Contractions. 

if feminine. 

H used chiefly by Hindts. 

D indeclinable. 

M used chiefly by Musalmans. A. Arabic. 
m masculine. P. Persian, 
n nominative. 

p-p. past or perfect participle. 
pl. plural. 

prp. present participle. 

5. singular. 

Numerals. 1 SI Ak. 
2 3) Zah, 
3 8,3 Trih. 
4 3 | sor: 
5 8 5 ly Pantsh. 
6 Kuis Shih. 
7 ere) Sat 0 
8 & Ath. 
3 Wot Naun. 
z) Nau. 
10 3S Dah. 
20 3&9 Wuh. 
50 Siily Panésah. 

100 wsld Hat. 

1870. | List of Kashmiri words. 97 
I & Boh. 
[ Ove Myon (n. s. m.) 
ines Ace These are 
Of me or mine < nag a a ce Lee adjec- 
ws yani (n. s. f.) | tively, 
L dslyc Myanih (a. pl. f.) J 
We cl Ais. ; 
(gas Son (a. s. m.) y 
| wl Ani 
Of us or our 4 ae es ve ae t Used ad- 
ie ani (n. 8. f) | jectively. 
(Uyak, Sénih (n. pl. f£.) 
Thou 35 Tsah. 
( >> Chon (n. s. m.) | 
oes Ai | 
Of thee orthine 4 ue ae at ae) 7. Used ad- 
| ots  Chani (a. s. f) | jectively. 
Laila Chanih (an. pl. f.) J 
You a} = Tohi. 
( x4 Tuhund (n. s. m.) 
| odg3  Tuhandi (n. pl. | 
Of youor your. 4 ae ce ae f H) + Used ad- 
aoe uhanz (n. s. f.) | jectively. 
| 85443 Tuhanzah (a. pl. f.) J 
He ye Su (when a person is absent and out 
of sight. 
( % 5  Tasund n.s. m.) 5) 
Wirosees sandi | 
Wein hic ues Tasandi (n. pl. m.) tried ae 
se Tasanz (n. s. f.) | jectively. 
L Bjdand Tasanzah (n. pl. f.) J 
Other forms of the above genitive are 
gs Tahund, &e. Used ad- 
dees}  Taimsund, &e: jectively. 
5 Tim (m.) 
They ie . 
&3 Timah (f) 
(42403 Timan hyund (n. s. m.)) 
| sidujed Timanhindi(n. pl. m.) | 
Of them or their < , moe ae hi mp f > Used ad- 
| See ‘Timan hinz (nm. 8. £.) | jectively. 


| 8344443 Timan hinzah (n. pl. f.) J 

98 List of Kashmiri words. [No. 2, 

Another form of the above genitive is— 
o¢5 Tihyund, &c. 

He »® Hi (where person spoken of is pre- 
sent, but distant from the speaker). 
Of him or his wed Humsund, &e. 
a> Hum (m.) 
they &2 Humah (f) 
Of them or their O542¢;42 Human hyund, &e. 
He é& Yih (when the person spoken of is 
present and near the speaker). 
Of him or his oiees Yimsund, &e. 
Yim (m.) 
Th iF 
ve | & Yimah (£) 
Of them or their OM4.,¢2 Yiman hyund, &c. 

Hi and yih are also used as demonstrative pronouns for “that” 
and “ this” respectively. 

Hand bai] Athah. 

45 Khor (M.) 
F oF 

a | es. Khér (H.) 

Nose raed Nast. 
Hye hm Achh. 
Mouth ut As. 
Tooth d3s Dand. 
Kar wy Kan. 
Hair ui, hee 

) Rum (H.) 
Head aly P, Kalah. 
Tongue 9) Zé0. 
Belly oy Yad. 
Back > Thar! 
Tron phe Shistar. 
Gold we Son. 

Silver w) Rop Si 















List of Kashmiré words. 



Bab (M.) 
Pita (H.) 
Moj (M.) 

Mata (H.) 

Mard (M.) 
Porush (H.) 
Manush (H.) 
Farzand (m.) 
Ghulam (m.) 
Tsonz (£.) 

Dai (H.) 
Aftab (M.) 
Seri (H.) - 


Tsandramah (H.) 










List of Kashmirt words. 



Poin (H.) 
Ab (ML) 



Dih. — 


[No. 2, 

1870. | 

List of Kashmir words. 

| What ( aed: Yus. 
What net Kus? 
a | as Kyah ? 
Why? sis Kyézih ? 
as Tah. 
i | ay Biath, 
But Lo} 4 Ama. 
If 3S a? P Hargah. 
(GN Ai. 
Sol Auwah. 
Yes Ws! On. 
Leoof Addasa. 
No &) Nah. 
Ale cogs! P. Afsus. 
ae Yo8s Wahwila. 
A father Joo Mol. 
( odwJlo Mali sand (n. s. m.) | 
Of a father sites EET seoatel (ue De 2) Used ad- 
jiJlo Mali sanz (an. s. f.) | jectively. 
L s$heJle Mali sanzah (n. pl. f.) ) 
To a father ute Malis. 
From a father én) ySLo Malis nishih. 
Two fathers Jles) Zah Mali. 
Fathers dle Mali 
(. o2uJle Malin hyund (a. s. i 
Of fathers ) ope " Mate india oa > Used ad- 
| p2uJlo Mélin hinz (n. s. f.) | jectively. 
| 840.Jlo Malin hinzah(n. pl. f.) J 
To fathers glo Malin. 
From fathers &isi.SLo Malin nishih. 
A daughter gy Kir. 
d44d)45 Kori hyund (n.s. m.) ) 
[eee : | 
een a edi) yeas 
| ES Kérihinz (u.s.f) | jectively. 
| 858by95 Ori hinzah (n. pl. f.) J 


To a daughter a 
From a daughter Buti) 9S 
Two daughters 3953} 
Daughters By—5 
( HOW) 95 
OSD W)95 

Of daughters 4 ond 
L Byder)95 
To daughters Wy 9S 
From daughters SIL) 9S 
A good man 40) 
Of a good man —Smogdg0_ yd 
To a good man P60 pod 

From a good 

man Bit wy Q_ pod 
Two good men phgres yd) 
Good men grey) 
Of good men OAD wg. .55) 
To good men 554% 75) 
From good men =4&#W 5543) 
A good woman 8b} 5) 
Good women 834535, 
A bad boy Pea en 
A bad girl 9S ot 
Good wy 
Better wo Sno 
Best ray) >) "58 
High x? 
Higher dsb bw 
Highest Oss 
A horse BS 
Horses ss 
A mare r 
Mares 55 

List of Kashmiri words. 

[No. 2, 

Kori nishih. 

Zah korih. 


Korinhyund(n.s.m.) ) 
Kérinhindi(n. pl.m.) | ‘ee 
Korin hinz (n.s. f.) | jectively. 
Korin hinzah(a. pl. f.) ) 


Korin nishih. 

Rut mohni. 

Ratis mohnivisund, &c. 

Ratis mohnivis. 

Réatis méhnhivis nishih. 

Zah rati mohnivi. 

Rati mohnivi. 

Ratin méhnhivén hyund, &e. 

Ratin mohniven. 

Ratin mohhiven nishih. 

Rats zanénah, 

Ratsah zananah. 

Yachh nécha. 

Yachh kir. 


Séthah rut, (when ‘hotah (than) 
is expressed, se¢hahis dispensed 

Yats rut. 


Séthah thod. 

Yats thod. 





1870. | 

A bull 


A cow 


A dog 


A bitch 

A he-goat 

A female goat 

A male deer 
A female deer 

I (m.) am 
If.) am 
Thou (m.) art 
Thou (f.) art 
He is 

We (m.) are 
We (f.) are 
You (m.) are 
You (f.) are 

They (m.) are 
They (f.) are 

I (m.) was 
If.) was 

Thou (m.) wast 
Thou (f.) wast 
He was 

We (an.) were 
We (f.) were 
You (m.) were 
You (f.) were 
They (m.) were 

List of Kashmiré words. 108 
So Dand. 
Sito Daénd. 
3f Gao. 
3S Gao. 
wW> Hin. 
>> Hiuni. 
WwW» Hiin. 
&j52 Honih. 
J Jla5 Tshawul. 
‘a gly Tshawaj. 
Slo)  Tshawajih (pl. f.) 
Ur) Ris. 
“HS w9) Riskat. 
&= 9) Rus kachih (pl. f.) 
urte% Boh chhus. 
ore? Boh chhas. 
S=35 Tsah chhuk. 
S43) Tsah chhak. 
f=» Suchhu. 
&j = wl Ais chhih (ih = e anglice.) 
&a ew! Ais chhih (ih = e in pet anglice.) 
8924) Tohi chhiwah (i = e anglice). 
394243 Tohi chhiwah (i=e in pet ang- 
4203 Tim chhih (ih=e anglice.) 
&=4+25 Timah chhih (ih=e in pet ang- 
neg Boh osus. 
Ts Boh asas. 
cSw9/85 Tsah osuk. 
Zhw7ss Tsah asak. 
Hale Su 6s. 
ut! Ais dis. 
&wFew! Ais dsah. 
Sy 763 Tdhi dsiwah. 
Sy {63 Thi dsawah. 

Tim Ais. 


List of Kashmiri words. [ No. 2, 

They (f.) were Ks figs 
Be ( wt 
ED eas 
To be ove 
eing | ier 
( Ades 9| 
| very | 
Having been. 4 7 
| sons] 
I (m. & f.) may be 
I (m. & f.) shall be Kouc] & 
Im. &f.) should be 
os J 
Beat 2 
To beat ony 
Beating oly 
[{ = 
Having beaten <_ | Sand 
[avail Sash) 
I (m.) beat DY yee Se 
I (£.) beat WY read 
Thou (m.) beatest whYSs% 
Thou (f.) beatest wk ¥elo 35 
He beats WGLYS= ye 
We (m.) beat GLY Sea Cpl 
We (£.) beat GLY So yl 
You (m.) beat Wl %g¢a65 

Timah asah. 
As (s.) 
Asyi (pl.) 
Asan (present participle, inde- 
Asit (conjunctive participle, in- 
O’smut (n.s.m.) { Past or 
Asmati(n. pl. m.) | ae ve 
2 ticiple. 
Asmats (n. s. f.) ! 
Asmaésah (n. pl. f.) : 

Boh dsah. 

Lae (s. m. f.) 

Lay (pl. m. f.) 


Layén (present participle, inde- 

Loemut (n.s.m.) ) Past or 
A = : | perfect par- 

erat (n. pl. m.) Heplol eel 

Laemazs (n. s. f.) adjectively. 

Layimatsah n. pl. f.) 

Layit (conjunctive participle, in- 

Boéh chhus layan. 

Boh chhas layan. 

Tsah chhuk layan. 

Tsah chhak layan. 

Su chhu layaén. 

Ais chhih layén Gh = e anglice.) 

Ais chhih layén (ih=e in pet 

Thi chhiwah layén (i= eanglice.) 


You (f.) beat WEI 3-—.65 
They (m.) beat OLS > od 
They (£.) beat WyYSp a hes 

I (m.) am beating WbLY wre 
I) ambeating  WlLY pra 
I (m.) was beating WY, pws! 
I) was beating WLI _pwIh 
T (m. f.) had beaten prog arly) 

I (m. f.) may beat KY 
I (am. f.) shall beat KY KY 
I (m. f.) should beat KY 
I (m. f.) am beaten PTay 
I (m. f.) was 

beaten prog eof ay 

I (m. f.) shall be beaten pyayy 

T (m.) go WS mee 
I (f.) go LES nee 
Thou (m.) goest lay Sela} 
Thou (f.) goest Way Slee 35 
He goes Wla1S6> 
I (m.) went pS 
I (£.) went ose 
Thou (m.) wentest $5585 
Thou (f.) wentest ELS 5} 
He went CI 
( BS 
Go 3 < 
Going ular, 

| wel 

Gone 1 yale 
L Bool 


List of Kashmirt words. 


Tohi chhiwah lay4n (i=e in pet 

Tim chhih lay4n (ih=e anglice.) 

Timah chhih layan Gh=e in pet 

Boh chhus layan. 

Boh chhas layan. 

Boh ésus layan. 

Boh asas layan. 

Loemut osum. 

Boh layih. 

Boh layih. 

Boh layih. 

Layinah am. 

Layinah 4mut osum. 
Layinah yiyam. 

Boh chhus gaéshan. 
Boh chhas gatshan. 
Tsah chhuk gafshan. 
Tsah chhak gatshan, 
Su chhu gafshan, 
Boh gos 

Boh gayas. 

Tsah gok. 

Tsah gayak. 

Su gau. 

Gatsh (s. m. and f.) 
Gafshyti (pl. m. and f.) 

Gatshan (present participle inde- 
Gomut (u.s.m.) ) 

GAmati ( | Past or 

Rn perfect par- 
Gamats (n. s. f.) { ticiplo. 
Gamazsah (an. pl. f.) 


( Sa dsS shee 
What is your | Ka SAS rgoigs 
name ? < 

| 9b eps Ha 8) 

How old is this 
horse ? 

How far isit from 

Km yb BSS 43 

List of Kashmiri words. 

[No. 2, 

Chén nao kyah \ 

chhu ? | Not idio- 
Tuhund nado kyah matic. 

ehhu ? 
Tsih kyah chhui ‘ 

nao ? ( Idiomatic. 
Tohi kyah chhu- { 

wah nao. ) 

Yih gur kafsah wohur chhu ? 

here to Kashmir ? -wlyaSshyhh, Vitih péthah Kashiri témat 

90h a bb 95 
(ohm Slo, yodlee 

Sem gey5 S$ 
haga old 

8a V5 

P ed Le ue le 

How many sons 
are there in your ¢ 
father’s house ? 

I have walked a S348 59053, yo 5] 
long way to-day. 
(95 Od halve 
The son of my un- 
cle is married to{ 4&accl dsulye 

her sister, Wrdwo yd hg 
eS pees 
L = diwealowlye 
In the house is the 1S Sika 530, yo wy 
saddle of the (2) Odwe 

white horse. 

kétah chhu dir? 
Chanis mali sandi gari | 
kats néchivi chhih ? 
; : ‘ Not 
Tuhandis mali sandi Li dio- 

gari kafs nechivi | matic. 
chhih ? 
Chanis malis kats | 
néchivi chhih ? ‘ 

Tuhandis malis kats | matic. 
néchivi chhih? J 

Az pokus boh dtrih péthah. 

Myani pitar sandi néchivi chhu 
tahanzi bini set mnethar 


Myani pitar bayi chhu tahanzi 
bini set nethar kurmut. 


Myani mamasandi néchivi, &e. 

Garas manz chhu nilah guri 
sund zin. 


Put the saddle 
upon his back. 

List of Kashmiri words. 

outs Zin kar tas. 


Tahanzi thari pét thau zin 

(not idiomatic), 

{ _sdigh Vie Teno Idiomatic. 
( Are edhe) adore? &ioo Séthah kamchih 1a- 
yim tahandis né- 
Ihave beaten his chivis, 
son with many< re Aa ie or 
stripes. TE Ue ed adodst &iuw Séthah kamchih di- 


He is grazing cat- 
tle on the top of 
the hill. 

He is sitting on a 
horse under that 

Hisbrotheristaller ogithpS ur yrgida cogs oigs 

than his (not his 
own) sister. 

The price of that is 
two rupees and 
a half. 

My father lives in Wlu,io 50 Jodie lqrg2.0 

that small house. 

Give this rupee to 
him. Cyt 92> 5c Xd 

cere? 8d 63)% 

Take those rupees 
from him. 
IC GAS DE Sq. ge § 
Beat him well and | “ Sede 
bind him with 
ropes. | 

Word (er) 9) y) 
Were y} es 535 

Draw water from 
the well. 
Walk before me. 

TLS) 21 Sp3 5 

rae) Big Kx 

Wd yah T&S open y wlSha (yo 

KI) S315 Km ho So 

tim tahandis né- 


Su chhu gupan ra- 
chhan koh-kalas 

Hut kulas tal chhu 

guris khasit. 

Tahund boe chhu- 
tahanzi bini khé- 
tah thod. 

Humyuk mol chhu 
dayih ropayih. 

Myon mol chhu hut 
larihanimanz basan. 
Yih ropai dih humis. 

Yihropai diy humis. 

Humah ropayih hih humis. 

Zabar chob dih humis biyih 
razau set gandun. 

Zabar layit razau set gan- 
dun (more idiomatic). 

Krerih andrah khar ab. 

Mib bonth pak. 

108 Gondi Words and Phrases. [No. 2, 

Whose boy comes Wly2S5 5555 hm pe oigS K6hund néchii chhu ésih 
behind you ? patah patah yiwan ? 

From whom did kd KO) S58 Hu kas nishih hétut ? 
you buy that ? 

From a shop-keeper 4&5, yl sily CS! _wSel¥ Gamakis akis wanawalis 
of the village. nishih. 

Gondi Words and Phrases.— By Ruy. James Dawson, Dissionary to the 
Gonds, Chindwara,- Central Provinces. 

[Received 7th June, 1870. | 


One undi al 

Two rand Tw 

Three mund as 

Four naling ATS 
Five salying’ Saat 

Six saving aed 
Seven yerting aga 
Hight armur cl Ct 
Nine unmak Saran 
Ten pad 7TEe 
Twenty visa aiato-. 
Fifty pachas gata H. 
A hundred nur ac 

lst Personal Pronoun, Sing. 

Nom. I anna Sat 

OD Z , = SS 
Gen. Of me, mine, nawor, nawork, ATaic, Alaa 
arciere nawa, nawang aal, Aaa 

Dat. Acc. ' nak, nékun are ATT 


Gondi Words and Phrases. 


The Genitive has four forms which are determined by the Gender 

and Number of the noun following, ¢. g. :— 

Nawor tammur 
Nawork tammurk 
Nawa selar 
Nawang selark 


aah THR 

ATal Sat 

araia Sara 

my brother. 
my brothers. 
my sister. 
my sisters. 

This rule is applicable to the Genitive case of all nouns and 

mawor, mawork 
mawa, mawang 
mak, makun 

alal alata 
ara aga 

2nd Personal Pronoun, Sing. 


Nom we 

Gen of us, our 
Ace. us 

Nom thou 

Gen. of thee, thine, 

ord Personal Pronoun, Sing. 

Ace. thee 

Nom you 

Gen of you, your, 
Ace. you 

Nom. he 

Gen of him, his 
Ace. him 

Nom they 

Gen of them, their 
Acc. them 


niwor, niwork, 

 niwa, niwang 

nik, nikun 


miwor, niwork 

miwa, niwang 

mik, mikun 

onhor, onhork 
onha, onhang 

Plural Mase. 
orknor, orknork 
orkna, orknang 

= nS 
alae, AlaTH 
Slat, TATA 
aa, TAT 

Aare atara 
Bat alaiat 

aia aaa 



GeV, Besa 
BFS Slesia 


NSN nn is g 
SAAT Sra aria 








Gondi Words and Phrases. 

[No. 2, 

Third Personal Pronoun, Sing. Fem. 


of her, hers 





tannor, tanna 
addenor, addenda 

Plural Fem. 
aveknor, aveknork 

avekna, aveknang 



sono 4H. 
chéndi H. 


age ATA, or 
Feat, BE AT 


Wana, Wanaa 
BIA, Beara 

1870. | 





Gondi Words and Phrases. 1il 
barskalyél TAS 
ALO te eM ONya eal ate 
gadri aTSTl 
Ishwar sat 
daittr Sat 
suriyal ofc are 
chandarmal Gare 
suku GA 
kis faa 
yer at 
ron Ua 
kodé AIST 
mura ast 
nai a 
bilal qara 
gogoti aqTaTet 
TOLL; ks O} W/L re 
gadhal TIT 
utum aea 
pitte faz 
han Sa 
tin faa 
udha Sat 
wara 4ST 
jim Sila 
nita Taat 
sdsi han aal Ca 
sim aia 
vita Taat 

The above are in the singular, as, Go thou, imma han, gat wa. 

Pl. Go ye, immét hant, 




gate ww. The plural imperative is 
formed from the singular by adding t, z. 


112 Gondi Words and Phrases. [ 
Yes inge za 
Down khalwa Sear 
Far lakh aq 
What bang aja 
But unde BS 
No — halle <a 
Before munne aa 
Behind piya Tasit 
Why bari art 
ach unde Uw 
Alas hai hai wie ere H. 
Declension of Nouns. Sing. 
Nom. a father dhau as 
Gen. ofafather,m. dhatnor-nork Rec 
—— of a father, f. dhatna-nang BTAaT-Ala 
Dat. toa father dhatin YIAa 
Abl. from a father dhatinsin yrmaara 
Nom. fathers dhatirk qs 
Gen. offathers,m. dhéérknor-nork wraaalt-ara 
— of fathers, f. dhairkn4-néng  ylsaat-aia 
Dat. to fathers dhairkun MSHA 
Abl. from fathers dhaétrksin arma 
There is no dual. 
A daughter miar AIBIT 
Of a daughter, m. mfénor-nork alata 
Of a daughter, f. miana-nang aarar-aia 
To a daughter mian aire 
From a daughter miansin aiaraaieat 
Daughters miark alert 

Of daughters, m. 
Of daughters, f. 
To daughters 
From daughters 


eS eS 
AAT aT-aT at 
ai aet 

aaa ates 



A good man 

Of a good man, m. 

Of a good man, f. 
To a good man* 

Brom.a good man: 

Gondi Words and Phrases: 

Sing. with adjective. 

chokho maénwal 
chokho ménwanor 
chokho manwana 
chokho ménwan: 
chokho manwansin. 

Slat HATS ar 

The Plural of Genitive as above. 

Good men 

Of good men, m. 
Of good men, f. 
To good men 
From good men 

chokho ménwalk 

chokho maénwalknor: 

chokho ménwalkna 

chokho maénwalkun. 

chokho ménwalksin 

Plural Noun with Adjective. 

Sal Haass 

The Plural of Genitive as formerly. 

A good woman. 
Good women 

A bad boy 

A bad girk 
A horse 
A mare 
A bull 
A cow 

A dog 

chokho ar 

chokho ask 
burtor pedgal 
burtai pedgi 

tan sin chokho 
sabrot sin chokho 
dhong al 

tan sin dhongél - 
sabrot sin dhongél 




aa GSI 

qa Gest 


ara ala rar 
aaa Stet AST 

ara ala ere 
asa Sa Sime|s 




A he goat 

A female goat 
Female goats 
A deer 


A female deer 

Thou art 

He is 

We are 

You are 
They are 

I was 

Thou wast 
He was 

We were 
You were 
They were 

To be 


Having beer 
I may be 

T shall be 

I should be 

To beat 
Having beaten 
I beat 

Thou beatest 
He beats 
We beat 
You beat 

Gondi Words and Phrases. 








anna andan 
imma éndin 
or 4ndur 
ammot 4ndom 
immat andit 
ork 4ndurk 
anna mathona 
immé mathont 
or mathor 

ammot mathoram 

immét mathorit 
ork mathork 


ateke, or 





alata (?) 





anna jidtoné 
imma jiaétoni 

or jiator 
ammot jiétoram 
immat jidtorit 

[No. 2, 









Bal Bearer 
<a SIRla 
GIT bless 
BAS Bara 
Zale BWieala 
Sey wea 
Sal Warat 
Za aurea 
Bae ate 
ae aaa 
GMa Ri, or 
sr faaret 





alan and Mare 

Sa stararat 
<a silsararat 

Bae Tata 

SMe Bache 

1870. ] 

They beat 

I am beating 
I was beating 
I had beaten 
I may beat 

I shall beat 

I should beat 
I am beaten 
I was beaten 
I shall be beaten 
I go 

Thou goest 
He goes 

IT went 

Thou wentest 
He went 




What is your name ? 

Gondi Words and Phrases. 

ork jidtork 

anna jiatona 
anna jindan 

anna jisi mathoné 
anna jiaka 

anna jidla 

anna jiatona (?) 
anna mar tindatona 
anna mar titan 
anna mar tinddka 
anna handatona 
imma handatoni 
or handator 

anna hatén 

imma hatin 

or hatur 


hateke, and 
hanjode * 

Miwa parol bang andu ? 

Wat Ysiet aia BIR? 

How old is this horse ? 

Id koda bachéle warsén na andu ? 
How far is it from here to Kashmir ? 
Tgatal Kashmirtun bachale lakh andu ? 
meme angiqad Tae we wre? 
How many sons are there in your father’s house ? 

Miwor dhau na rot te bachaéle mark 4éndurk ? 

AGT TSH AT Treat @ See wa Besa? 
I have walked a long way to-day. 
Nend anna lakh taktona. 

Wwe Wal ME AAT. 


Sal BArarar 
Wal silaret 
wat sits wera 
Sal STAT | 
Bat SSA 

Bal Stararat (?) 
Bal AChaeaarar 
Bat arctarara 
Bal aiclaerar 

Sql Vala 

<a Vat 



waa and 


116 Gondi Words and Phrases. [ No. 2, 

The son of my uncle is married to her sister. 
Naéwor kaka nor marri ténné selané marming kitur. 
Tn the house is the saddle of the white horse. — 
Pandri koda ta khogir rot te andu. 

Wrest] HIST AT GMT Ua a WI. 

Put the saddle upon his back. 

Tan né murchut parro khogir ira. 


I have beaten his son with many stripes. 
Anna onhor marrin walle koraéng jitan. 

Fal Best VCs Fa Hisia stare. 

He is grazing cattle on the top of the hill. 

Or matta ta chendit parro mirang konding mehtator. 
Ht Het at Shea TU asia arin AATATT. 
He is sitting on a horse under that tree. 

Or ad marrat khalwa kodat parro uditor. 

GC FE ACA Wal Astra Fur Brean. 

His brother is taller than His sister. 

Onhor tammur onh4 selaén sin dhongal 4ndur. 
The price of that is two rupees and a half, 
Tan na mola arhai rupiang andu. 

aa AI HTS Hale asia Br. 

My father lives in that small house. 

Nawor dhati ad chudor rot te mandator. 


Give this rupee to him. 

Td rupia on sim. 

Ze WIS Bra ate. 

Take those rupees from him. 

Au rupiaéng on sin yena. 

ST Wawa Brat Stet Sar. 

Beat him well and bind him with ropes. 

On walle koréng jisikun nune te dohat. 

Bet aa VE TFT Ts at Sree. 

1870.] Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. 117 

Draw water from the well. 

Kia ta yer umat. 

RI AT AC Hale. 

Walk before me. 

Na munne tikat. 


Whose boy comes behind me ? 
Miwa pija bonhor chauwa waidtor ? 
Siar fast H1S1e BAT TAAL. 
From whom did you buy that ? 
Immat tan bon sin mola te yetit. 
Sas aa Sta WT ATA a Yate. 
From a shopkeeper of the village. 
Natenor undi baniyan sin. 

aS AIT Ut afaara Sra. 


Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathuwrd.— By Babu Ra /TENDRA- 
LALA Mirra. 

[Read 2nd September, 1868. ] 

In the Proceedings for May, 1862, mention is made of some sculp- 
tures and inscriptions which the Lieutenant-Governor of the N. W. 
Provinces had placed at the disposal of the Society. These had been 
found by Mr. Best, Collector of Mathura, while engaged in clearing 
away, in 1860, a large earthen mound for the site of a new court- 
house at the entrance of that station by the main road leading from 
it to Agra. 

At one time there stood on this mound “‘a masjid of some anti- 
quity which had been blowh down for military reasons during 
the mutiny,” and under it there existed the remains of what was 
once a Buddhist monastery. No attempt was made to ascertain the 
extent of the building or to trace its ground-plan, but from the 
size of the mound, and the quantity of stones and building materials 
found, it was evident that the monastery must have been a large one, 
and included at least two temples dedicated at different times. 
Among the articles found, were a number of sculptures in the coarse 

118 Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. [No. 2, 

red sandstone, so common in Delhi and Agra, and including a lot 
of statues, cornices, bas-reliefs and pillars. ‘‘ These were,’ accord- 
ing to Mr. Best, ‘‘all more or less mutilated, and appeared to be of 
varying antiquity.” ‘It was probable,” he therefore thought, “ that 
the building had passed through several stages of decay, repair and 
additions, before its final destruction.” Although most of the sculp- 
tures are of very inferior workmanship, ‘“‘ they are,” says General 
Cunningham, ‘‘ very interesting on account of their variety, as they 
comprise statues of all sizes, bas-reliefs, pillars, Buddhist railings, 
votive stupas, stone umbrellas, and many other objects peculiar 
to Buddhism, of a date as early as the first century of the Christian 
era. Amongst the broken statues, there is the left hand of a colos- 
sal figure of Buddha, the teacher, which measures one foot across 
the palm. The statue itself, therefore, could not have been less than 
from 20 to 24 feet in height. Stone statues of this great size are so 
difficult to move, that they can be very rarely made. It is 
true that some of the Jain statues of Gwalior are larger, such as 
the standing colossus in the Urwahi of the fort, which is 57 feet 
high, with a foot 9 feet in length, and the great-seated figure on the 
east side of the fort, which is 29 feet, with a hand 7 feet in length. 
But these figures are hewn out of the solid rock to which they are 
still attached by the back.”** ‘<T look therefore with great interest 
to the discovery of other portions of the Mathura colossus, especially 
to that of the pedestal, on which we may expect to find the 
name of the donor of this costly and difficult work.”* Some of 
them are interesting also, from the circumstance of their bearing 
inscriptions in the ancient Gupta character with dates in figures of 
anew type. One of the sculptures is thus described by General 

«The most remarkable piece of sculpture is that of a female of 
rather more than half life size. The figure is naked, save a girdle 
of beads round the waist, the same as is seen in the Bhilsa sculp- 
tures and Ajanta paintings. The attitude and the positions of the 
hands are similar to those of the famous statue of Venus of the 
Capitol. But in the Mathura statue, the left hand is brought 
across the right breast, while the right hand holds up a small portion 

* Archeeological Report for 1862-63, p. 4. 

1870. | Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. 119 

of drapery. The head is slightly inclined towards the right should- 
er, and the hair is dressed in a new and peculiar manner, with 
long curls on each side of the face, which fall from a large circular 
ornament on the top of the head. The back of the figure is 
supported by a thick cluster of lotus stalks covered with buds and 
flowers, which are’ very gracefully arranged and boldly executed. 
The plump face with its broad smile is the least satisfactory part 
of this work. Altogether this statue is one of the best specimens 
of unaided Indian art that I have met with. I presume that it 
represents a dancing girl.’’* 

Mr. HE. C. Bayley who was, at the time of the discovery, Judge 
of Mathuré, had the inscriptions removed to his bungalow, and facsi- 
miles prepared of some ofthem. These were early placed at my dis- 
posal. Major General Cunningham who saw the inscriptions soon 
after, also prepared reduced transcripts of a number of them, and 
placed them in my hands. I had been assured by Mr. Bayley that 
he had taken immense pains in transcribing the inscriptions with 
his own hands, after testing each letter hy holding the unwieldy 
stones in different lights, and I well knew the care and attention 
which General Cunningham devoted to such work ; I was prepared 
therefore to find that the two sets of facsimiles would prove to be 
exactly alike. But on examination, I found them to differ in 
some material points, and I was obliged to lay them by, until I 
got an opportunity of comparing them with the originals, which I 
expected would soon be sent to the Society’s museum. ‘These were 
received in 1863,+ and on comparing them with my facsimiles, I 

* Thid, p. 5. 

+ These include— 

1st. The feet of a large image supported by male and female figures at the 
sides and smaller figures between the feet (No. 830 A.) 

2nd, Figures representing portion of a procession in honor, apparently, of 
Buddha (No. 8380 B.) 

3rd. The feet of a small image, apparently, of Buddha, bearing an inscription 
(8350 C.) 

4th. A stone ladder which, apparently, had been used as a drain-pipe, bear- 
ing part of a very interesting inscription (876 A.) 

5th, Twelve bases of round pillars bearing inscriptions. 

6th. A fragment of red sandstone about 3 feet high with Buddhist figures in 
relief on two sides, One of these sets of figures represents the birth of 
Buddha, No. 880 A. 

7th. A very perfect figure of Buddha, about 6 feet in height, the head 
encircled by an ornamental halo (887 A.) 

120 Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. [No: 2, 

found that out of 10 facsimiles of Mr. Bayley, the Society had 
received the originals of only 8, and out of 18 transcripts of 
General Cunningham, only 11 were forthcoming, the rest being 
missing, most probably converted into ballast for the repair of 
roads by some Benthamite overseer in the Public Works Depart- 
ment; for in reply to my enquiry on the subject, Mr. Bayley wrote 
‘to me, ‘‘I fear some of Cunningham’s are hopelessly gone, as I 
could not find them, and a good deal cf stone-breaking had gone 
on in the meanwhile.”’ 

Among the missing stones was a most important dated one; 
which in the two sets of facsimiles appeared to differ in their details. 
There were, however, among the stones sent to the Society, two 
originals which were not included in either set of the facsimiles. 

The inscriptions were all more or less defaced, worn out and 
smudgy, and it was by filling up the interstices of the letters with 
powdered black-lead, that I could read some of them. Others it 
was impossible to decypher, and the facsimiles now presented to the 
readers of the Journal (plates IV, V, VI and VII.) are, to a great 
extent, imperfect. They are taken from General Cunningham’s tran- 
scripts, with such corrections and emendations as a careful ex- 
amination of the original and comparison with Mr. Bayley’s 
transcripts would warrant, leaving all doubtful letters as they 
were read by the General. 

Fourteen of the inscriptions are inscribed on bases of pillars, 
three occur on the pedestals of statues, one on a stone ladder, one on 
an oblong slab, and one on a stupa or chaitya, t. e., model of a funer- 
al monument. According to General Cunningham “ altogether 
the bases of 30 pillars were discovered, of which 15 were inscribed 
with the names of the donors who presented the columns to the 
monastery.” But, he says, “as one of these. gifts consisted of 6 
pillars, a second of 25 pillars, and a third of 26 pillars, there still 
remain 40 columns to be discovered, which will bring up the total 
number to 70.”* The inscriptions from which these facts have been 

ts re e figure similar to the above, but with the halo broken, about 53 feet. 
9th. A Buddhist naked female figure about 4 feet high. 
* Loc. cit. p. 4. 

1870. | Notes on Sanskrit’ Inscriptions from Mathura. 121 

collected. are, however, not before me, or if they be mentioned in 
any portion of the inscriptions communicated to me by the General, 
they are not legible to me. 

The plinths of the: pillars are» squares of 233 to 24 inches 
each side, having on each corner the figure of a lion, half pro- 
jecting from. the base moulding. Little can be said of the exe- 
cution. of these figures, but their style is characteristic. From 
above their body rise the shafts, which are not, as is usual among 
purely Indian. columns, polygonal and. cylindrical at intervals, 
but cylindrical throughout, as is the case in some of the columns 
in. the temple of Martand and other structures in Kashmir. The 
diameter of the shafts may be roughly given at 18 inches. Ordinarily 
the length of Indian pillars varies from. 7 to 9 diameters, and 
taking 8 average, the height of the veranda to which the 
pillars were attached, may be assumed at 16 feet. The temples 
themselves must have been considerably higher to make room 
for statues, one of which was 24 feet in height. 

The inscriptions onthe pillars are in-several instances repeated, 
first inscribed on.the torus and then on the plinth. But in more 
than one instance, the two inscriptions appear to be different. 

The statues call for no remark. They are of the usual Sarnath 
type, two being standing figures with one hand lifted as in lec- 
turing, and the other holding the hem of a light drapery thrown 
over the person; the third. is a seated figure: the head in all the 
three instances is encircled by a halo.. 

The stone ladder is peculiar. Mr. Bayley describes have “ ori- 
ginally formed. part of a.sculptured drain pipe, which was subse- 
quently made to do duty as part of a stone ladder, and the ruthless 
hands which fitted it for the latter purpose, had unfortunately hacked 
away a great portion of a very interesting inscription which it 
originally bore.” Possibly it was originally a drain pipe ; if so, it 
could not have then borne any inscription, for the inscription ap- 
pears to have been incised after its conversion into a ladder, be- 
ginning at the bottom of the left hand bar and carried from above 
downwards on the right hand. side, the feet of the letters on the 
opposite sides being reversed. Had the inscription. been cut be- 
fore the making of the steps, the writing would have all run in the 


122 Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. [No. 2, 

same direction. The ladder as we now possess it (Plate VI. Fig. 
xIv) is only a fragment, the upper half being lost. This circum- 
stance, and the injuries which the letters have received from time 
and ill-usage, render the complete decipherment of the record 
quite out of the question. From the few words that I have been 
able to read, I take the steps to have been presented by a mendi- 
cant, named Buddha-dasa, for the use of the pious, or, to quote his 
own words, ‘“‘ for the good of all mankind” (sarvasatta litdya). 

The inscriptions on the pillars are likewise records of gifts 
to the monastery, and in language, style and grammar differ not 
in the least from similar records in Sanchi and other Buddhist 
sanctuaries. The shortest inscriptions of this class simply say “‘ the 
gift of so and so ;” others add the purpose for which the giftis made, 
being the good of one’s ownself, or that of his parents, or of mankind 
at large; and the more elaborate include the date of the gift, 
the name of the monastery, and perhaps the name of the reigning 
sovereign. The nature of the gift is sometimes mentioned, but 
not often; and the question may be raised as to whether in the 
case of inseriptions, recording gifts (dana) without specifying their 
nature, they are to be taken as mere records of gifts, or of the gift 
of the objects on which they occur? General Cunningham is in fayour 
of the latter alternative, and is of opinion that the things on which 
donative inscriptions occur, are themselves the objects of these 
inscriptions. There is generally, however, no pronoun of any kind 
in such inscriptions to fix such a meaning, and it often happens, that 
a single bar of a railing, records two or three or more gifts of 
different dates, each in the usual form of gifts of so and so 
—amnukasya danam. Of the two inscriptions given on plate V. (No. 
v,) that on the torus records the gift of some Dasa, the son 
of Vasumihira, while the one on the plinth, gives the name 
of Vis‘vasika Vikramahara, son of Sinha. They cannot possibly 
be intended to record the gift of the pillar, but of some gift 
in money or other article to the shrine. Had the object been 
the joint gift of two or more persons, their names would have 
been given, not in separate inscriptions, but in one record, as 
is the case in many inscriptions which have come under notice. 
I am disposed to think, therefore, that the dana inscriptions were 

1870. ] Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. 123 

designed partly by wily covetous priests who, for a consideration, 
dispensed sanctity to ordinary mortal names by recording them on 
sacred edifices, and partly by a desire to buy celebrity or immor- 
tality at a cheap cost by having one’s name recorded on buildings 
frequented by millions, and which were supposed to last to all but 
eternity ; a counterpart of that feeling which makes the modern 
tourists scribble their names under the dome of St. Peter. The late 
Major Markham Kittoe availed himself of this idea, and recorded 
the name of each subscriber to the Benares College Building Fund 
over or around a separate arch or doorway of the College Building 
as the donor of that particular object, and not as a contributor to 
the general fund. 

In the case of the inscriptions on statues (Nos. xiI. XII. XVII. 
the language is throughout different, and they leave no doubt in 
the mind as to the ebject of their writers. 

One of the pillar inscriptions describes the edifice in which it was 
found as the monastery (vihdra) of Huvishka, whose titles were “‘ the 
great king, the king of kings, the son of God,” following closely 
the numismatic Greek legend Basileus Basileun theodotoy. Major 
General Cunningham first identified this prince with the Hushka of 
the Rajataranginé and the Ooerki of our Indo-Scythian coins. He 
reigned in Kashmir in the middle of the first century before Christ, 
and from the circumstance of a monastery dedicated by him existing 
in Mathura, we may fairly infer that his dominion extended, at least, 
as far down as that ancient city. 

A second inscription (Plate XI. No. xv.) gives the name of 
another prince with the same ultra regal titles of Maharaja, rijitiraja, 
and devaputra, but owing to a lacuna in the stone, it cannot be fully 
read. ‘The first two syllables are unmistakeably Vasu, after which 
there is space in the facsimiles for three letters which Mr. Bayley 
thinks were either mitrasya or devasya, making the whole name 
either Vaswmitra or Vasudeva. As the mark of the long vowel is 
distinct and Vasumitra is not strictly correct, I take the name to be 
Vasudeva. That this prince was a successor of Huvishka, must 
follow as a matter of course, if our inference about the date of this 
inscription be correct: if it be doubted still, judging from the 
character of his inscription, his time was not much removed from 
that of the S ‘aka king. 

124 Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. [ No. 2, 

Some of the inscriptions, as already stated, are dated, and the 
figures of these dates are by far the most interesting, and at the 
same time the most puzzling elements in their composition. Ge- 
neral Cunningham, some time ago, commented on them at great 
length in this Journal,* but without coming to a satisfactory con- 
clusion. Nor can I congratulate myself upon having raised the ques- 
tion much above the region of mere conjecture, though the conclu- 
sions I have come to, appear to be much more probable and consistent. 
After the decypherment of the dated inscriptions of Nasik by the 
learned Dr. Bhau Daji,| the values of most of the figures must now be 
accepted as settled ; but they cannot be read in the ordinary decimal 
style, without producing very doubtful results, I propose, therefore, 
to read them from the right in arithmetical series as numerical 
notations without reference to their local values. This may, at 
first sight, appear objectionable in a writing which proceeds from 
left to right, but seeing that the Arabs and the Persians read their 
figures, borrowed from the Hindus, from left to right, though their 
writing proceeds from an opposite direction, it may be presumed 
that the ancient Buddhists, who evidently took their figures from 
the Aryan type, did not alter the original style of the figures 
and wrote them from right to left. Hence it is that even in modern 
chronograms, a rule is observed which says “ figures, proceed 
to the left.” =e aramfa! Raghunandana, the author of the 
28 Tattvas, in his treatise on astrology, Jyotis Tuattva, three 
hundred years ago, quoted a s/loka to the effect that ‘in writing 
many figures of one denomination the progress should be to the left.”’ 
AHA ATA HART TETL ataat afa:; and to this day all chronograms 
in Sanskrit are read in that way. Brown, in his Essay on Sanskrit 
Prosody, notices the practice, though he does not quote any autho- 
rity. Following this rule, the four figures of No. 1, (plate IV.) 
may be read as 40-+- 10 -+5-+ 4 = 59. Reading from left to right 
the result would be 4 + 5 + 10 + 40; which would be absurd as 
progressing from small to large figures. If the third and the fourth 
letters be taken for 9 and 6, and the whole be read decimally accord- 
ing to their relative position, the date would be 4596, which would 

* Ante Vol. XXXI, p. 426. 
+ Journal, Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society, Vol, VIII. p. 228. 

1870. | Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. 125 

correspond with no known or probable era. The value of the first 
figure is unquestionable; the second is somewhat like a 7, and the 
counterparts of the third and fourth are so exactly reproduced in the 
Nasik records, that they cannot be gainsaid. Reading from right 
to left, I am unwilling to read the third letter as a 7, for it is not 
at all likely that eleven would be indicated by 7 ++ 4 when a figure 
for 10 was in use. The only material objection to this reading 
would be, the figure for day, which looks very much like the last 
figure of the year read from the left. But the difficulty is not in- 
superable. Something very similar to it occurs in the Nasik caves 
for a6, but the two are not exactly alike. I am disposed, however, 
to take it to be the same figure which occurs in the year, 7. ¢., 40. 
Such a figure for the day of the month would, no doubt, be in- 
admissible, but as no month is named in the record, the 40th day 
of the year 59, would not be an unreasonable way of expressing 
‘the date. 

Inscription, No. 1, read from the right in the way indicated above, 
would give the date the 80th day of the year 59. In No. vi 
there are only two figures, one of which is the same which I have 
taken for 40 in Nos. 1 and 2, but the other is very doubtful and 
I cannot positively say whether itis that figure or 100. It looks very 
like a7, but a 7 before a 40 would be inconsistent, and it is probably 
therefore a mutilated remnant of the figure for a 100. If so, the date 
would be 140. No. xrv has a single figure which occurs repeatedly 
in the Nasik caves No. 23, for 10, and its date therefore may be 
without any hesitation taken for the year 10. No. xv has two figures, 
one of which is 40 and the other 4—=44. The word forthe era 
in it is given in full, samvatsare, and then follows the word varshe “in 
the year,’’ very much in the same way, as if a man were to say “‘in 
the year 44 Anno Domini.” This repetition, however, is common in 
India, and such a mode of expression as W# {Red Vte@ is frequently 
met with. The last letter in the third line is ma, after which, three 
letters are missing, which contained the name of the month, on the 
Ist of which ( prathama divas'e) the record was inscribed. The sub- 
sequent lines are so full of lacuna, that it is impossible to make out 
the purport of the document. ‘The last three lines (8th, 9th, 10th) 
are completely obliterated, 

126 Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. [No. 2, 

The era to which these several years belong, would at first sight 
appear to be the same which is used in the Wardak, Manikiyala, 
Hidda and other Aryan inscriptions ; but No. vi has the word, s ‘he, 
‘Cin the year of S aka,” distinctly given, the / being indicated by an 
upright cross with a mark on the top for the vowel-point, differing 
thus from the figure for 4 which is formed like an oblique cross in 
Nos. 1 and 2, and it may be fairly asked if the word sam in the 
other cases is not an abbreviation of s ‘ake, the usual mode of indi- 
cating the elision of a letter being a dot or an anusvara after the 
preceding letter: in many instances, thes alone is given without 
the dot. No. xv uses the word samvatsare which means “in the full 
year,’”’ probably of the prince named, or possibly, but not likely, in 
the samvat year. 

It is not at all likely, however, that different eras would be used 
in documents of one class, and arguing on this premiss, it would not 
be unreasonable to conclude the dates of all the inscriptions to refer | 
to the S/aka era. The character, style, language, the princes 
named, and the circumstances detailed, all point to the first two cen- 
turies after the birth of Christ, and by reading the dates as belong- 
ing to the S’aka era, we bring the documents exactly to that epoch ; 
the earliest 44 being equal to 120 A. D. and the latest 140, to 216, 
A. D. Dr. Bhau D4ji, in his valuable paper on the ancient Sanskrit 
numerals in the cave Inscriptions, has already pointed out that the 
S/aka was a Scythian era, and if this inference be tenable, and, as far 
as I am aware, there seems to exist no very cogent argument to 
bring against it, the Aryan records may all be assigned to the same 
epoch. No. xv would suggest the idea of that document being dated 
on the 44th year of Vasudeva’s reign, but the record is so full of 
breaks that we cannot by any means positively declare that the 
genitive Vasudevasya relates to samvatsara and not to some other 
word. If it be excluded as belonging to the era of Vasudeva, still 
the argument would remain unaltered in regard to the others. 

I have appended to the plate a reduced facsimile of an inscrip- 
tionon the pedestal of a statue of Buddha found in the village 
of Sahet Mahet in Oudh. The village has been identified by Ge- 
neral Cunningham with the Sravasti of the Buddhist records. It 
bore a date, which is now completely obliterated. The General reads 

1870. | Notes on Sanskrit Inseriptions from Mathura. 127 

the last word of the first line as S’ravasti, but it appears to me to be 
very unlike it. After a very careful study of the original for some 
hours, I make it out to be dhikshusya, the last two letters correspond- 
ing with the sadya of the next line. The figure is 7 feet high, and is cut 
in the same material (red sandstone) of which the Mathura sculptures 
are formed. It was dedicated by two Buddhist mendicants, Mihira 
and Tripitaka, with funds received for the good of mankind from 
one Bakrateya. The grammatical connection of the third line with 
the second is not obvious, and the meaning had therefore to be 
guessed from the instrumental case of the phrase Buakrateya 

Transcripts and Translations of the Mathurd Inseriptions. 

Plate IV. No. 1.—Round the base of a Pillar (deposited in the 
Museum of the Asiatic Society.) 

due fee away titan eaqay sfae fae erat 
faa stan efeqaag HUA ds aaa ea GaGa wa WqeN! 

A present, on the 40th day of the year 59, to the Vihara of the 
ereat king, the king of kings, the divinely born (or the son of a 
Deva) Huvishka, by the mendicant (Bhikshu) Jivaka Udiyanaka, 
known by the name of the breath-suspended.* May it prove a 
blessing to all mankind! ‘The fourteenth congregation. 

Plate IV. No. 11.—Round the base of a Pillar (deposited in the 
Museum of the Asiatic Society.) — 

ara etafee afequetagieae duc feqe a if 

The gift of Devili of the race of Dadhikurna Devi, on the 80th 
day of the year 59. 

Plate V. No. 11.—Round the base of a Pillar (deposited in the 
Museum of the Asiatic Society.)— 

Car fare qacey dufaad <fy woeryiamgy wt er+ tT aS 
gag it 

The gift of the mendicant (Bhikshu) Buddha-dasa Sangha- 

* The words in the original are Kubhaka sana, which I take to be a corrup- 
tion of Kumbhaka-saijna from Kwnbhaka, suspension of breath in religious 
meditation, and saijndé a name. 

+ The reading of the figure is doubtful. 
{ The reading of the last word is conjectural, 

128 Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. [ No. 2,. 

mitra, (or the friend of the congregation), (and) of the Devi 
Parosapachatrisian |? YY hy 7% 

Plate V. No. ry.—Round the base of a Pillar (deposited in the- 
Museum of the Asiatic Society.)— 

ara faagy aque ae * * 

The gift of the mendicant Buddhe-ghosha. The fruit of— 

Plate V. No. v. a.—Round the base of a Pillar (depesited in the 
Museum of the Asiatic Society.) 

arf agraret yaq qa (?) & are 

The gift of Patrama (?) the son of Vast-mihira.. 

Plate V. No. v. b.—Round the Plinth of the same Pillar. 

ara foatany 9a(e2fatece toegqa ** cage ** * * aa eata- 
ara fcer * * * 

The gift of Vis’vasika, and Buddha-mihira, the sons of Sitha— 

Piate V. No. vi.—Round the base of a Pillar. 

ard aa ge? gufatece faega * * * * * 4 

The gift of Budha-mihira, son of Sinha, on the 140th S/aka year. 

Plate VI. No. vit.—On the base of a Pillar (deposited in the 
Museum of the Asiatic Society).— 

ard faay qatiadg ua Tae F | 

The eit of the mendicant § ‘akya Bhikshu, the protected of 
Buddha—or of the mendicant Buddha Rakshita a mendicant of 
Sakya Buddha. 

Plate V. No. vitt.—On the base of a Pillar. 

aaanuz * * *1 The gift of Sangha-putra. 

Plate V. No. 1x.—On the base of a Pillar. 

za duatacy * * * 4 The gift of Sangha-pravira. 

Plate V. No. x.—On the base of a Pillar. 

aa fag agciade aiNae | 

The oift of the mendicant Mabhikshu, the protected of Buddha— 
or of Buddha Rakshita, the unworthy mendicant.* 

Plate V. No. xt.—On the Pedestal of a statue. 

squad wafer faenrafeee qea yu aga aaqqarat 

* The word mabhikshu translated “ unworthy mendicant” is ungrammatical. 

1879. ] Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. 129 

This virtuous dedication to Saékya Bhikshu, (is) by Bhidatta 
Brahma Sinha. Whatever fruits will proceed from this act of 
religion, may be for the acquisition of a hundred-fold knowledge on 
the part of all mankind. 

Plate V. No. x11r.—On the Pedestal of a small statue. 

29 ward wea fire WHITE yea YU aaa (aq waaay. 

This virtueus dedication to Sakya Bhikshu Gs by) Dharma-dasa. 
Whatever fruits will proceed from this may be enjoyed by my 
father, mother and all mankind. 

Plate V. No. x111r.—On a small stupa. 

astra Eta |oet | 

The gift of Surana* to Nasdpriya. 

Plate VI. No. xrvy.—On the side of a flight of stone steps 
(deposited in the Museum of the Asiatic Society). 

eGo waaay aa fae qaan@e ** waaerai ** eq 
say ** | 

In the 10th year: the gift of the mendicant Buddha-dasa, to 
Buddha for the good of all mankind and 

Plate VI. No. xv.—On a block ef sandstone. 

ASICS TC (SIfat1s1) 

ww easy ae(e7y) 

wqaut se qua * * * 

a yaa feaq * * 

fae Fe ye 

eultay WeTats 

* *yqaq a* 

fang ag afte 

Here three lines are illegible. 

The text is too corrupt to admit of an attempt at translation. 

Plate VI. No. xv1.—On the Pedestal of a seated figure. 

The first line of this record is illegible, the second has the words 
ayy Tarfarsay Saqaa qg**, “of the great king, the king 
of kings, the divine born Vasu,” shewing that it was inscribed in the 
time of the same prince whose name has been conjectured to be 

Vasudeva in No. xv. 

* The reading of this word is quite conjectural and very doubtful. 

130 Notes on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Mathura. { No. 2, 

Plate VI. No. xvu.—Oa the base of a Pillar (deposited in 
the Museum of the Asiatic Society). 

feay 4 a * * yeaa erat fray sete | 

Gift of the mendicant Dharma-datta to 
day of 

? Purva, on the 5th 
. Ifthe compound letter before Purva, be read as sha- 
shtha, the meaning may be the fith preceding the sixth, a form of 
expression still current in Nagari jundis or. drafts, but this form 
would scarcely be used in monumental records, 

Plate VII. No. xvur.—On the base of a Pillar (deposited in the 
Museum of the Asiatic Society.) 

aaa Cat (ve ?) fase y sa(?)ara erat way wang’ 

Gift of the mendicant Dharma-datta to the great Buddha 
on the 5th day of 

Plate VII. No. x1x.—On the base of a Pillar. 

at fare sauing afagy *** | 

The gift of the mendicant Buddha-bhima 

Plate VII. No. xx.—On the base of a Pillar. 

enfugy ard dugg wit qaq * * * 

Squaw qua wad * * * 

The gift of Datta-bhikshu, son of Sangha, the rest illegible. 

Plate VII. No. xx1.—From the base of a solossal statue found 
at Sahet Mahet, and deposited in the Museum of the Asiatic 

Kee EX fequy yaa Twael 1) | 

aq fafere frqe ary afuzaer eta qqqaay pst 

HY THSY PRAM WIaaara Feu | 

The gift of the mendicant (Purya Sadya) Mihira and the noble 
mendicant Tripitaka, for the relief of involved mortals, and the 
attainment of the fruit of (such a) gift, (as also) for the enjoyment 
(lit. movement) of Bhagavan—(from) the donation of the well-be- 
haved Bakrateya for the geod of mankind. 

The document is very puzzling; the translation here given is a 
mere guess. 

— the unworthy 

OO Lee eed __Wa 




is We 

— ——. Base of Pillar. ay 


GE er yg ; Tf JS_& Rady * 
{ ce | y we 4 ‘ 
\ Vi a ‘ ? 4 i 
oy ff KL Al , : 
; a 
\ f \"/@ \ig | Lor 
AN | : 
{ i b= ‘ 
i j i (7 x /t 
[OK 1} } Ht ; i 
WA A ae ane 
aI nL He 

N21. Base of Pillar. 

Wa ER2Q ai asedpseagapye x9 yetray 

Journal As. Soc. Bengal, XX XIX. for 1870, 
‘Part I. Plate V 

New, Base of Pillar. 
=r2d HH q gz ayeitar RAVIR Ue wah aay 
GEL 2H By 25) 
NEIW Biase of Hiller, 
KATE Ly q ferrtay (ta ala 
N°V. Base of Pillar. 
soa iru e lea 
N° VY .Plinth of Base 
= 2PTRMTUAIS Tay B nye RIA\ Ee 
~ {2rd 1s “Taye pions oy 

WOW Snes oe Fille 
arut w4 ne Mya neat ey ae = 
WR WY) RUNG Rh WS er — 
N°VIL.Base of Pillar. 

Nevill. Base of Pillars. Me 
VAY YAK See as AU hu f BPE YAM 

N°X. Base of Pillar. 
INOUE. Squ ave Pedestal of Statue. 
Wn yLeemm FEY Fz WPL C2 eur 4G I Be Av 5s AABELS more ft 
N° X11. Pedestal of Small Statue 
eas Lier SE ILC eur 
N° XU. Sanall Stupa 
Rf yous en) ay Byte 

Pie ey Wale 


bara irl Lr, TE SII LITE! Ly 
ON eats asia Saris Sa SONS SSS = SH 
Z/ % 
y, f 


Pag yale x 
oe SAY | 

ov ube 


ad er Sty BOP EO | u 
ee res 

N° XVI. Pedestal of Seated Figure. 
wegperh URAX we tupumiFare Udon dpi) nn — LH Xx op he 
SO Jeysy PREY RY AYAM I ~~~ 
; Ne XVII, Base of Pillar. 





Ae Ni: 

N? XVII. Base of Pillar. 

N° XIX. Base of Pillar. 

Ata me aaEysagtrrega 
FT Mt Dia 


N° XX. Base of Pillar. 


N° XXI. From Base ofa Celossal Statue frem Sahet Mahet. 
ppl AE, nN 4 KOE SY HY; ; 
442) BW 2 ast YOU TR pen Bee PS 
prasgetee xX cd Xe a rece y Qn 3 

1870. Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 131 

Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography, No. I—By 
Babu. Prata'/PAcHANDRA GuHosHaA, B. A. 

[Received 19th May, 1870; read 1st June, 1870. | 

Like other subjects of study regarding the Hindus, the history 
of the Bengali language and literature is obscure. There is 
however, no lack ef internal evidence to lead if not to an 
accurate at least an approximate idea of the real state of things 
in the earlier days. The science of the history ef language 
is of modern date, and even if it had been in existence in 
the days of the rshis and munis of ancient India, their habitual 
silence with regard to history would have added but little to 
our meagre knowledge of the subject. The Muhammadans in 
painting the portrait of a prince give a minute representation of 
the dress and the ornaments, but they scrupulously avoid giving 
any features to the face, which they leave blank, an oval space 
without eyes or nose. The Hindus in the same way are prolix in 
poetical and other irrelevant descriptions, but when they come 
to historical facts, they are studiously silent. A dull description of 
sober and unexaggerated facts is not compatible with their highly 
imaginative and over-poetic disposition. The wonderful and mar- 
vellous is the back-bone of their themes.. Exceptions are rare and 
unique, but even in them, foreign influence is not unfrequently seen. 
The inquisitive eye of the antiquarian, however, penetrates the 
thick veil of the marvellous and the hyperbolic, and grasps at once 
the real image. Facts are chained together in the relation of 
cause and effect, and the willing mind with a little labour traces link 
after link, and thus reaches the first cause. Experience of modern 
eventsin the way of analogy leads much to the elucidation of 
antecedent facts. Written history may sometimes mislead, but 
internal evidence cannot be altered by the prejudices of contempora- 
neous historians or by the colour of legendary tales. Internal 
evidence, however, is weak on some points. Several dissimilar 
causes sometimes lead to the same or apparently the same conse- 
quence, and considerable judgment and discrimination is therefore 
required to connect the sequel with its real and only cause. Hasty 

132 Contrifutions towards Vernacular Leavcography.  {WNo. 2, 

generalization and faint analogy are serious impediments to this 
mode of enquiry. Serious consideration and careful weighing of 
the evidence ought always to accompany the tracing up to real 
antecedents and the distinguishing of proper relationship. Paucity 
of language and the frequent occurrence of synonymous terms cloud 
the real meaning in obscurity, and alliteration in sound isa great 
misleading element in the feminine language of the Bengalis. 

Theories often precede the actual collection of facts, and the 
brilliant ideas once taken hold of, are seldom abandoned till there is 
an absolute dearth in the finding of the most distantly related sup- 
porting facts. Every flutter of the wing or the rustle of the leaves 
is an alarming sound to an imaginative mind. Indeed theories 
are first formed and facts are next collected and twisted and turned 
to suit or to support or prove the foregone conclusions. 

Bengali works earlier than the fourteenth century after Christ 
are not to be met with, and inscriptions and MSS. in the present 
Bengali character scarcely go back earlier. Tradition in this parti- 
cular is silent, so much so that there is no legend pointing directly 
or indirectly to the relation of the Bengali to other languages. The 
compound word Vangabhasha is so recent, that a distinct name of the 
Bengali language cannot be found in earlier works. Abul Faz 
once uses it, but it is not certain whether any books were then in 
existence in the language. dngld is an older term, it stands for 
the name of the country, as well as for the dialects spoken by its 
people. These dialects were numerous in earlier days, and traces of 
their differences may still be seen in the language of obscure villages 
of distant districts. The gradual extension of commercial inter- 
course has introduced changes in the spoken language of the 
people, and differences in accent, pronunciation, and terminals, 
and initials, slowly but steadily disappeared, till all became one and 
identical. Radical changes in the orthography, proper pronun- 
ciation of words, go on increasing till people settle into a habit of 
writing, the inconvenience of the want of which is felt with increas- 
ing intercourse and business. Private, and lengthy messages are 
better sent in writing than by verbal instructions. It is superfluous 
to dwell here on the circumstances and necessities which led to the 
practice of giving ocular shape to the meaning of sounds uttered by 

1870. | Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. oe 

man for conveying his ideas to his fellows. Ocular evidence is 
more easily comprehended, and is less liable to be misunderstood 
than auricular ones. Permanent marks or an enduring collection 
ef signs conveying ideas are more advantageous and useful than 
temporary and evanescent figures by a move of the hand or 
a nod or a wink. Words are permanently fixed by writing, 
and then they are susceptible of such changes only as the forms 
of the characters admit of. Roughly speaking, however, the 
Bengali language and the Bengali characters are contempor ane- 
ous, they are derivations of the Sanscrit and Nagari respectively, 
and the difference between the derivative and the original languages 
is so well proportionate to that between the original and the deriva- 
tive characters, that excepting a few exotics and lately introduced 
foreigners, the progress of the language may be said to be always 
cotemporary with that of the characters. 

The characters, as they are now, are more true to the original 
stock, the Nagari of the Gupta type, from which they have been 
derived, than the language; and the reason for this difference is 
obvious. The Bengali recension of the Nagari characters is of later 
' date than the Bengali recension of the Sanscrit language. Both, 
however, have gradually receded from the original stock, and this 
difference in the degree of divergence in the two, the language and 
the characters, can only be explained by supposing that the charac- 
ters were later adopted than the language. 'The characters again 
were less frequently used, and this, though true of all the languages 
of the world, speaks of a low state of civilization in the earlier history 
of Bengal. Since the breaking up of the petty Hindu dynasties that 
ruled in Bengal, and the arrival of the Muhammadans in this country, 
it sank into the position of a third class subordinate province. 
Excluded from the sunshine of the Emperors of Delhi and governed 
by everchanging Subahdars and Nawabs, Bengal occupied an 
obscure corner in the empire of Hindustan, and would have dwindled 
into a jungly forest, had not fate brought the Briton to its shores. 
Energy had failed the Bengalis for some centuries, and literature 
was a mere name. 

The signs are about eighty in number, and are therefore quite 
sufficient to represent all the sounds which had to be represented. 

134 Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. ([WNo. 2, 

When the people came in contact with the Muhammadans who 
were then the rulers of the land, sounds like @, é 5 puzzled the 
people, and they would have been obliged to invent if not new 
letters, at least such modifying signs as to indicate. the peculiar 
sounds, had the real pronunciation of the same been preserved. The 
Urdu had occasion to represent the Hindi sound pb and it soon 
adapted itself. The enervating influence of the climate, however, 
so far affected the Hindus, that soon after the period of the 
Vedas, the big @ that guttural sound so much resembling the Ara- 
bic @ was lost, and not even a trace of its existence could now 
be found except in the very oldest works of Nirukta. It is not 
for me to trace the several shades of change through which the Na- 
gari has passed before it assumed the Bengali form. Suffice it to 
say that the connecting link is the character known as Gaudiya 
found in some inscriptions. 

The language, however, has undergone serious changes, and in 
its way has adopted so many foreign elements, that to eliminate 
them now is more than impossible. As the adoption of foreign 
words to represent new and foreign ideas rests with the common 
people, they are faster adopted and modified in sound than the 
adoption of foreign characters. All new words of a scientific or 
philosophical nature are formed in the laboratories of the learned, 
and the Sanserit roots are the elements of which they are com- 
pounds. Every nation with which the Bengalis came in contact 
contributed more or less according to the duration of contact, to the 
enrichment of the language. 

The great bulk of the words of the language is Sanserit, so 
slightly modified that the original Sanscrit words are in many in- 
stances identical with them, and in some may be easily detected, 
there being only three cases in the Bengali and scarcely any varia- 
tion in the terminal modifications of tenses or persons of verbs. 

It isnot very far from the truth to say that the Bengali language 
originated in the hearth with the illiterate women of the country, 
whose shortness of breath and ignorance of the laws of grammar 
and untrained tongue and hasty utterance soon modified the original 
Sanscrit into a distinct, coarse and feminine dialect. The Pali and 
the Prakrit are the immediate degenerated descendants of the 

1870. ] Contributions towards Vernacular Leaicography. 135 

Sanscrit. And to these we must look for a clue to the inexplicable 
forms of modern Bengali words. The Gatha language, however, is 
found useful to explain such cases where the segregation of the 
consonants of a compound and the interposition of an @ after q 
occur. Thus {st is Tay in Gatha, Prakrita and Bengali, ¢t—waq, 
@a—_aax, “Aa—Aaa. Way, day and such forms are evidently 
much older than @w and 43, of which I shall speak hereafter. 
Properly speaking, they are the real Bengali forms of the Sanscrit 
words and these contain in them a more permanent form than @3t 
and “3 which are slang, provincialisms or effects of bad pronun- 
ciation. To the GAtha* may be traced all the variations of the 
verb to be, which the several derivative dialects of the Sanscrit have 
given rise to. Sanscrit SafS is in GAthé cyifs, in Magadhi caify, | 
in Kharikoli caica, in Mahardshtri “1¢2. in Hindi cats 72, and in 
Bengali =¥. Can we trace to the Githi the Bengali case ter- 
minations ? AGfH in Gith4 is avy, Atay is Atfacs. The Hindi <fq 
and the Bengali @faca are derived from the Gatha. fara, is it 
from the Gatha fetaital and Sanscrit 41Cal ? 

The Pali andthe Prakrita were in use as early as the second and 
third centuries before Christ. They have their distinct grammar, 
though in many instances the grammarian has failed to point out the 
reasons for modifications in several words. They have derived all 
their words from the Sanscrit, though many of them have lost the 
original import, and it is difficult to explain how the later meanings 
have arisen. 

Opinions differ as to the proper limits of the Bengali language. 
With some every Sanscrit word or compound without the case affix 
is Bengali. Others again confine themselves to the more commonly 
used terms. From the general tendency of modern Bengali writers, 
it appears that the former opinion has the greater number of sup- 
porters. With reference to the words imported or derived from 
foreign languages, some writers eliminate them altogether. Thus 
the word ¢xtewH1 is rejected by the more orthodox writers, while 
others of amore utilitarian tendency adopt it for the sake of its 
common and frequent use. Indeed it involves a serious linguistic 
question which has yet to be solved. Excepting the slang and the 

# J. A, S. vol, XXIII p. 604. 

136 Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. (No. 2, 

technical terms of the poorer trade, are words of other than Sanscrit 
origin, used by the people generally, to be considered as legiti- 
mate Bengali or such of them only as are in use in writing by the 
learned and the pedantic ? It must be noted here that the learned 
and the higher classes use in ordinary conversation many words which 
they would not like to see in writing. The discussion has hither- 
to been limited to the use of Persian and Arabic words, but if those 
which have been long incorporated in the language, are to be con- 
sidered as part and parcel of it, surely it cannot be right to condemn 
the use of words which have come into fashion, simply because 
they have been derived from foreign languages other than Persian 
and Arabic. The Bengali language is so very modern, and the 
works written in it are much more so, that the length of the period 
of the use of a particular word cannot be considered an argument 
either for or against its adoption. 

The oldest works in Bengali are the Havikankana Chandi, the Chai- 
tanyacharitamrta, and the abstracts of the Mahabharata and the Ré- 
miyana. The first two contain a great many words so awkwardly 
distorted that to a Bengali of the present age, they are unintelligible. 
Many of these monstrosities have too much of the Udid and Radha 
form in them. The refined composition of Bhératachandra, the 
popular poet of Bengal, who flourished in the beginning of the 
present century, is not free from such barbarisms. The tendency 
of present compositions, however, is towards purity. 

Lexicography in the true sense of the word is unknown in the 
Bengalilanguage. Several dictionaries have been compiled within 
the last sixty years, and only a few can be said to go back still earlier. 
The idea of preparing a dictionary of the Bengali language, and 
that alphabeticaly arranged, was derived from the Europeans, 
who felt the want of it in studying the language. Before the advent 
of Europeans in this country, there was no dictionary, in short no 
literature except a dozen commonplace books. Short vocabularies 
were first formed, and they were in Bengali and English. An exclu- 
sively Bengali dictionary originated with the School Book Society, 
and it was more of an elementary nature than of a comprehensive 
character. Within the last twenty years we haye been furnished with 
several volumes of dictionaries of the Bengali language. In the 

1870. ] Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 137 

formation of these, no system or plan has been followed. Princi- 
pally they are compilations from Sanscrit dictionaries, and the com- 
mon colloquial distortions of many Sanscrit and foreign words have 
been inserted, without rhyme or reason, to swell the bulk of the 
work. Indeed so little attention has been given in the selection of 
words, and so little care has been taken in arranging them, that the 
several modifications of a word as pronounced by the illiterate have 
been putin, as so many distinct and independent words. No compiler 
of an English dictionary would dare put in ¢dear as a distinct word 
from idea, though it is so pronounced by many. ‘The compiler of 
a Bengali dictionary, however, puts in the following atl, atel, ats, 
aH, 41@, and a1] as so many distinct words. Words that have 
not retained the entire Sanscrit form have been by some regarded 
as Prakrit, though such forms are never to be seen in that lan- 
guage and others with equal carelessness been introduced as original 
Bengali. Indeed the negligence is so great, that in one dictionary 
I find the word =a (wine) marked as a Prakrit word. 

It is held by some that the language of the aborigines of Bengal 
has largely contributed to the formation of modern Bengali, and 
that though Sanscrit forms the nine-tenth part, or even a greater 
proportion, of the whole bulk of the language ; the case-terminations 
are the relics of the aboriginal Bengalis. This is not the place to 
discuss the origin of the language; it must, however, be admitted 
that many of the case-terminations can be traced to the Prakrit, 
a derivative of the Sanserit, and the rest may be explained without 
recourse to fanciful suppositions. 

With these few prefatory remarks on the formation of words in this 
language, I propose to give here a list of derivations which I 
have endeavoured to trace to the Sanscrit or other languages, 
and from time to time in subsequent papers to discuss the genealogy 
of different words. 

In common conversation, it may be observed that the illiterate, 
and especially the women of the lower classes, eliminate the r 4 
from words which contain. it, or insert one in words having none. In 
Prakrit this is arrived at by a more comprehensive rule,* v7z., that 
sharp consonant compounds are filed off by the clision of the final 

* Cowell’s Prakrit Grammar, 


138 Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. [No. 2, 

letter and the reduplication of the second. Thus for ™& in Sanscrit, 
we have @(Gm in Prakrit, as well in the older dialect Pali; so for 
@w-ew ; ¢3t-¢=t. In short, this application of the laws of eupho- 
ny is to be found in all strong vocalic languages, and in those in 
which pronunciation is slurred, indistinct, and hasty. And though 
we know every educated Bengali calls the mirror in common con- 
versation wtafa, from sitR*f, the vulgar pronounce it as wITafH. 
Some again go so far as to transpose the and call it atafH. Simi- 
larly wiaai becomes ATAal. {# is common both to the high and the 
low, though it is derived from Prakrita $%, Sanscrit coi. Here it may 
be noticed that in Prakrit and Bengali, the diphthong vowels @ and 
@ are simplified into distinct sounds of ~2 and “1% constituents 
of the compound sound, and sometimes one of these simple sounds 
is even elided, as @qif# in Sanscrit is 6% in Prdkrit, and t@ in 
Bengali. This elimination of the 4, as in S{tafH, is used by the 
very lowest classes. The @ is left out in such words as atv and 
ary, and they are in Bengali famin, foimin, amin, and aio or atz, 
as also STT MIN or wita. The double Rin faim is evidently 
owing to the rule of pronunciation in Sanserit, which lays 
down that the consonant preceding a compound is always to 
be doubled; so also consonants following a visarga. As regards 
ata from ajt¥y, in Bengali sf and @ are generally interchan- 
geable, as caTtub1 from Waessa. The same may be said of 5 
and %, B and %. Compounds of a liquid and an aspirate are gene- 
rally modified in Pali, Prakrit, and Bengali by elision of the former. 
The Sanscrit “7 becomes % in all three, as also Hw, Am, and 
afayl, afew. Here in the derivation of the dialectic form 7% we 
find a clue to the custom peculiar in Bengal of pronouncing conso- 
nant compounds of W in a manner so as to give a nasal sound to 
it. The only exceptions to this are amite, “tawat, aiete. In 
Sanscrit and modern Hindustani, the q after ® is distinctly pro- 
nounced. a: 

To the Prakrit many of the Bengal forms may be traced which 
cannot be so easily referred to the Sanscrit. 

Thus the Bengali numerals :— 





aR nat 





Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 139 


aatz, WaAtz 

Such words as 4@*t and a12“I are evidently derived from aa@fqx*t 
and atffa*t. In 4@*t the anusvira is first elided as in *{ from 
fas, and the final vowel of & being elided, it assumes the 
This form is found in Hindustani, 

form of afe*t (Geet). 
which has 4@ei*t for twenty-one. 

In Bengali, a less masculine 

and more euphonic language, in the strong sound of kvi the long ¢ 
is shghtly and gradually flattened, till it becomes 48*1, which again 

140 Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. | No. 2, 

by a slight modification becomes 41. Indeed, when the Bengalis 
speak amongst themselves, it is very difficult to catch the very flat 
sound of w, which they simply use to connect the consonants @ 
and *{. af2“t is aiffa*t or Wet, where % is elided. The numerals 
from fifty-one to fifty-eight are all formations with “Ta, standing for 
fifty and a%, 4 (41-41), fea (fa fe), viz (G1) &c., preceding. In eu- 
phony * after 6, #, ¢, and 5 is harsh, and hence instead of 4e7Ta 
we have 4aty, alata feortta plats viata &e. In ferxtiq the 7 is 
doubled as the original form fa*itq had a compound fq preceding 
“iq. The Prakrit rule is: before two consonants a long vowel is 
sharpened, and if the long vowel is retained, one of the consonants 
is clided as wefst for st, fala for wie, 7 for 7, and waa for 
wa, and a short vowel before two consonants is occasionally 
lengthened, and one of the consonants omitted, as t&1 for fasl. The 
Hindustanis, however, have retained the forms 4@7 aq. ataia, fs iets 
Aibvia. The Bengali form 7st (a group of five) is evidently a 
corruption of the Sanserit js} ; of such forms as 9f%31,@12a,e9T, &e., 
more hereafter. From the above derivations, it appears that the 
Hindi has derived all its numerals from Prakrit, while the Bengali, 
though not from the Sanscrit direct, yet not from the Prakrit either. 
It has to be decided whether it is justifiable to draw the conclusion 
that Bengali is a language independent of the Prakrit and con- 
temporaneous with it? But the mass of evidence on the other side 
is so great as to leave no doubt whatever of its drawing largely 
from the Prakrit. That the Bengali is an independent derivative 
of the Sanscrit, is tenable under the supposition that the rules of 
derivation in Bengali are similar to those of the Prékrit. At all 
events the subject is open to discussion. 

Many distortions met with both in Prakrit and Bengali words 
may be traced to the laws of Sandhi of Sanscrit grammar. Thus, 
when an aspirate consonant becomes doubled, one of them becomes 
a simple one. 

Sanscrit Spy, in Prakrit instead of being StpcpI is BTWeo!, and 
in Bengali SIT¥—so is Waet—wacwi—uaqe, wfiet—mafaa— 
fafa, yar—yar—7A. Similarly, a simple consonant is changed 
into an aspirate, J{—wtdI—a_. 

In the Bengali numeral ate derived from 4@, the vowel & in 

1870. | Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 141 

Prakrit or ¥ in Bengali hastaken the place of a. Thus getei— 
BWCSSAG— GlCeal— Yeal—- alent. The study of these forms is to Phi- 
lology what the science of Embryology is to Natural History. The 
classification into genera is greatly assisted by the embryonic forms 
which the animals undergo, and it is then only that their resemblance 
to the allied genera or species is most vividly exhibited. The 
other day, some small seedlings of <Artocarpus indicus, the Jack- 
fruit, in my garden threw out leaves so perfectly serrated in the 
manner of those of the bread-fruit, that I was at once struck with 
the similarity, and on exhibiting it to a friend of mine, he observed, 
that though not himself a scientific man to appreciate the close re- 
lation which existed between the two dissimilar leaves, it had always 
been a puzzle to him. Returning to af@ from 4@, this form can be 
explained asin Sanscrit Sandhé ; for x is formed in the place of 4 and 
there isa rule in Iugdhavodha, stating that the consonants formed 
in places of vowels can again be transformed into those vowels. 
For = we get ¥—for 3,2 — for a, <, for 2, a as also conversely for 
a—%, for d—W. It is interesting to note that +84 is pronounced 
as ya and @ + “| =@ va. From this it may be observed that the 
sound of X is not 7, but ya, and that the Bengali custom of pro- 
nouncing it as 7 is to be traced to the Prakrit where Sa“ is BUCA ; 
and though in Yajurveda the & is always pronounced asj. May we 
hazard a suggestion that since the aboriginal brahmans of Bengal 
were wholly Yajurvedic, they have given to the Bengali the 7 sound 
of ¢? A learned brahman being asked why 2% in Sanscrit became 
&@ in Prakrita, very coolly replied, ‘‘It is because the women were so 
much addicted to pan-chewing.” Thus again Q4j—aAeR—Blg,— 
wdi—Hud—caia, YISA— GF AX— Fal catgrx— ChlSX\— CRISS. 

It has been noted above that the Sanscrit faslay is FFeA in 
Prakrit. Instances of such. breaking up of the particles of a word 
are not rare. They are in conformity with Prakrit rules. Thus 
the Sanscrit yeaa is in Prakrit mapas, and 2ttq is 7atq in 
Bengali and gtfs is foratts, wi-tata is sraHfa, also sitarH wHtetz, 
caantis foratft and cy>@ is woAcml. Similarly owt is biwal 
in Prakrit and pIq¥t in Bengali. cea, is iAH, Tia is Zaz, 
HSA is of faa, Fe, Als is SAGHIA and apis Sub, taH from atta 
and feai from Prikrit SAaa and Sanscrit aKa. 

142 Contributions towards Vernacular Leutcography.  [No. 2, 

Then by Sandhé forte consonants are changed into lenes as also 
fortes or lenes of one class into lenes or fortes of another. 

focal from Prakrita fafeca from Sanscrit fatfeta cea —acatax— 
MSA, GI—VHE—BsHiy, avy —zy—aiy—ad3 —tudafyavi- 
—SUICRI—SbIz, BYifA is Hindi, Hai—ayl, sacyi—aaacyi— 
Gav, SIA—SUCAIFGsld, FRN—caicpi—cald, etr—aat— 
wgCbI— Bs, wzAH—AACHI—sm, ee 

In many of the above, Hindi forms may be detected, several of 
which point to a greater intimacy with Prakrit than Bengali. The 
Hindi form 2}1, meaning sub-acid in taste, has a close resemblance 
to atiG meaning to eat. The word appears to have been extended 
to the later meaning sub-acid in taste, as to the Hindustani it is a 
stimulant to eating. The word pibat literally means that which 
is to be eaten or licked. Its present meaning, however, is a sub-acid 
acrid pie. In Bengali, words are easily contracted and harsh 
sounds often eliminated, #71] is from the Prakrit #fait#i from the 
Sanscrit ate, cat from aq and atyat from arapat. 

Words ending with a compound consonant and the vowel z, in 
passing from Sanscrit to Prakrit and Bengali generally drop the 
consonant ; as, $12 from tifs, ¢tz from atta fs, ~T= from 2A, at= 
—ault—aoW ; thus 9? —gfeai—aiaat, atria —qet as 
wBMiginats, ne —ate—uix, Pass —qeawle—qeroteit, H1e— 

In compliance with the general rule about the fortes and 
lenes of one class changing into fortes or lenes of another, 
the following changes may be observed ; Utfeai—utfeai—afwai. 
The Hindi form ¢UIw#a1 is evidently from the Prakrit cBi=, 
Sanscrit cata. It is important to notice how the original 
meaning has been lost. Again wtfety—nifea—atfiox are in- 
stances of © substituted by €. The Prakrit has only changed 
the G into @; such change is still observed in Sanscrit grammar, 
and several Sanscrit words up to the present day are spelt in 
both ways <= Zita is also fw, and very often the @ stands for <, 
as in crag and wax. As an instance of Y=, we have the word 
Sate (Hindi) from the Prakrit SYS, Sanscrit Sut. In this 
we find that sf in Sanscrit is changed to @ in Prakrit. But 
most peculiar is the change of # into 4, and B into ¥. In tracing 

1870. | Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 143 

the change of @ to a, we have to suppose an intermediate step 
viz., that of changing it into J. Now amongst the cerebrals JU has 
the same value that o has amongst the gutturals and, as stated 
before, lenes of one class are changed into lenes of another. Now 
since U =a, and being equal to U, fis also equal 4. In the 
change of sf to © we have only to notice that the fortis is 
changed into a lenis of the same class. Thus the Sanscrit Dawe is 
wary in Prakrit and Bengali. 
The following is a list of words similarly derived :-— 

Sanscrit Prakrit Bengali 
| cary oe cata 
ap ql 
cater CaTS CHT 
atpt airs 
apel afera 23 fe 
xa 491 “9.89 
oat aupt aut 
that fort frat 

In deriving @¥1 from the Sanscrit %A%p!, we observe that the 
Sanscrit D is changed into Y in Bengali and & in Prakrit, and 
that both derivative languages have elided the anusvdra, the 
liquid @ after B, as well as w, and have instead lengthened the 
vowel into S(T; M1¥1 Bengali, @Ib1 Prakrit. 

From the word y% is the Bengali infinitive 41, and Q¥i is 
exclusively used to indicate a dead body. 

In the following the aspirate §, a dental fortis, is changed in- 
to the simple , a cerebral fortis. 

afs—afs— 1d, Xi—d1—dta, ata—d1z—BI8. 

In the following, 4 and the liquid @ are eliminated. 

144 Contributions towards Vernacular Leaicography. | No. 2, 

BE—AG—HUF, WFP , aHSeS—_aFi APIs zi, 
BHAS—BAYT— Biv. Here the sloha for which the poet Kalidasa was 
abused by his spouse may be citedasan example of bad pronuncia- 
tion “Gey AS cal Wal STA Weal fohA fea.” 

The following is an instance of a lenis standing for a fortis, 4US- 
Ai. acu fax— and, SHtA—_SAvA—UA, Ga. 

The aspirate & is sometimes found to stand for the aspirate 9- 
soltay—afea.—ateal; and in some instances for a, enifai— 
CSQ—tS or oq 

Sanscrit Prakrit Bengali 

Sa] G2] ea] 

gata ofa afé (Hindi) 
zat Uz Gz! (Hindi) 
AAAATATS aaacata taara 

In Sandhi, & takes the place of the palatal 1. But as in Pra- 
krit a great confusion exists between the three ses, we have the 

Sanscerit Prakrit Bengali 
eA Decal wea 

ATIS Bag Bia, (Sta 

The compound % is pronounced in three ways, as ksh, kkh, and 
chchh, 2. ¢., @a, Gal, and as w®. 
Thus we have :— 

Sanscrit Prakrit — - Bengali 


=a cote CaID 
BETAS BTar Riad, B12 
aly baat aaatt 
aq a1 a7) 
aana ’ aaa 

In #Y, the % is changed according to the rule above mentioned 
into 6 and the liquid 4 is dropped. 

As stated before, such harsh compounds are softened in the 
derivative languages, as — 

1870. ] 



Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 145 


Slr of 

Goel, wai 

Btsl, Ste 


SICHBlAld, Sow 

In the word >t 3M, or Ata7TH, the law of transmutability of letters 
is carried to the maximum : it is evidently a corruption of Wtvi*[q, 
where @ is changed to 4, and *f to #, and lastly 4 to® or &; some, 
however, derive it from 13a “[7i. 

In some cases, § stands for 5, as ABJ\ AHA ATS, and in others for 
af, as tie) from af ws — SHS 
The 4 is changed into 3 or g, as— 







In the following @ stands for S—glel—alna, otal. In the word 
faatz the second 4, being va, is changed into a in Bengali, faats- 

fa@atcei— faq. 

The following is a list of some words traceable to the Prakrit. 

$ sr 






1 OTe f 

STi Ta 



eq (set) 


Contributions towards Vernacular Leavcography. 



ADT (Se) 






aQ fern 
QIQira cal 
Ciel Sy 

[ No. 2, 

fafa (ea1) 






ab (#Tz) 

aqata, ATS 



ef, g 



taeq (Hindi) 


Contributions towards Vernacular Leavcography. 147 

aa at cafes 
Sel Seital 
tei STA 
WAIT fesax 
Tgp BAUE! 
SAT Chal 




AdS Bats 

fret faa 


ori Hat 


watata Asia 
catfar calzat 
og aAUCUI 
taza cote rita 
far fraea4 
gaia fextcal 
qfeai IBA 
qe His] 

Tal, CTR 
a 15a] 
Btoal, Ste 
attzi (Hindi) 


Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 

gs < 
Alb ol 



cata] (Hindi) 

CAal, AST 


festa (Hindi) 
Tara, ATA 
fai, cat 
aa, cata 

[No. 2, 

1870. | Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 149 

In the following the original meaning has been lost. Thus 
acu literally means ‘information,’ and its present meaning is 
a kind of sweetmeat, a confection of chhdnda, which is always 
carried by persons sent to enquire after the health of friends and 
relations residing at a distance. Similarly, the word Se meant to 
enquire, but it now means ‘ presents of sweetmeats, fruits, clothes, 
&e., made to friends or relatives.’ 

Amongst five brothers, the first is designated <¥, meaning eldest, 
the second ¢7& literally intermediate, the third GHG (is it a derivation 
from the Persian seywm—third ?). The fourth is 4, evidently derived 
from Aq=new, and the last ca1b. It is interesting to notice how 
the word 4 came to be applied to the fourth of a group consisting 
of more than four members. 

The Sanscrit word q as well as its two derivatives ybt, Wl 
are in use in Bengali, but they indicate three distinct objects. The 
ap, the original Sanscrit word, is applied to the old form of the water- 
pot now in use, only for religious purposes. @bt is a metal water-pot 
smaller than the 491, and bwel, CHIBI, WiaaGgl. wy, cEcai, and 
aibeail are differently formed water-pots. Bt is derived from 
Baa to kiss, to drink with the lips or rather to sip, bEUT a pe- 
culiar sound used for quieting horses by drawing air through tightly 
closed lips. The infinitive ByWIq is evidently a contraction of 
BUS Gt, though some by a slight modification in spelling make it 
bal, and have tried to derive it from b{NZ, and the proverb cacute 
BACTASA being misunderstood has caused the idea. alptH] comes 
from 155 spherical, the shape of the pot. wigfS appears to be the 
oldest among these, and this form of a pot is out of fashion. Tt 
means sweetened, and the brim of the vessel being turned into a 
lip, it sweetens as it were the liquid drawn from it. ft and CATO 
(ceii=B) both literally mean pieces of stone, their present application, 
however, is to a set of grinding apparatus, the slab of stone is faa 
and the grinding roller catGi. GISi again, a derivation of Ty a ma- 
chine, is a pair of circular grinding stones. 

AAvt and 4p are from wsat and BirR*w respectively, meaning 
made by one’s own hands, and the offals of one’s dish. Boiled rice 
is therefore HT, and a remnant of a piece of bread after a part of it 
has been eaten is 4 ¥ (GSI in Hindi), 

150 Contributions towards Vernacular Leavcography.  |No. 2, 

GbtGi, as stated before, is a corruption of the Sanscrit UPS, a 
water-snake. It is now used to indicate the innocuous water-snake 
as well as a powerless man. &fGcomes from s{7fTH, cotton, and 
here the material has given name to the cloth made from it. Its 
present signification, however, is more extensive. Itis in Bengali 
a generic term for cloth. LST means that which is washed, and as 
the piece of cloth round the waist of a Bengali is the only part of his 
dress which he has to change about four times or oftener in a 
day, that piece of cloth is by par excellence called 4st. 3S comes 
from H@ a thread. Itis now used exclusively to represent cotton 
thread, and cloth made of cotton is Hola SI, as distinguished 
from cat BIG. 

GS is CHTYl in Hindi, and appears to be part of the Sanscrit 
word 2 7 T¥Bl, a pair of shoes. 

Bal means cassien of milk, separated by boiling it with an acid. 
It is derived from faa to break up, to tear asunder, and the com- 
pound cEui %¢ supports this derivation. 

focas atytw (Chinese almond), Rath @azyi (English gourd), 
Sue Zt (Guzrat elephant), appear to be misnomers. The first 
is no more an almond than it is Chinese. Its more rustic name 
is Wibatwia or Wi StF (field almond, or field lentils), which ex- 
presses its nature better than the other term. The faifs #191 
is called ffi, because crews of vessels store them up before they 
leave the port for the sea, as it can be preserved as long as the 
potatoe without getting rotten. The name, however, may mislead, 
were we to consider it as an introduced fruit, as also the word fatfS 
av (Indiarubber tree). The Hindi word 4wia 3241 (traveller’s 
gourd) is a clue to its origin. The people of obscure villages have 
preserved its real name fIcsSAVI, sweet-gourd. 

CBUi and ¢bal, as stated above, are both derived from the Sanserit 
Tan, but CZv1 in Bengali is ‘ to tear,’ and cbai is to divide lon- 
gitudinally. Thus the slit of a pen is its fea. =I, wt CRIP, 
b-GaATs are derivatives of the Sanscrit ap. wtb1 to crack, 
CBib1 to boil, as also to break by frying, as in SPaaATe, a kind 
of lentil that cracks when fried. wip is a cucumber which bursts 

when ripe. 

1870. | Contributions towards Vernacular Lexicography. 151 

Base and “4B are derived from av, which word is also in 
use in Bengali. ZaéSY in Bengali is a hackney—carriage, and 1G 
a cart on two wheels drawn by bullocks. 

I will conclude this my first paper on vernacular derivations with 
a few words derived from the modern European languages. 

From the Portuguese, “ify, @gtva, cantal, faraul andiceatin. 

From the French, *1G@ 6} (pain = bread). 

From the English, wigtaa, Suiy, GS, Tula, fora, fer, Taye, 
fib, Wied, and wTsiia. 




= p>— 



No. IfI.—1870. 


Extracts from letters addressed by the Rev. T. Foutkes, Chaplain of 
Vepery, to the Chief Secretary to Government, Fort St. George, dated 
29th May, and 26th June, 1869, regarding three sets of Copper 
Sasanams discovered in the Vizagapatam Districts.* 

‘“‘T have the honor to return the three sets of copper-plates and 
the package of printed impressions, together with the letters of the 
Collectors of Vizagapatam and Nellore, which were sent to me with 
that memorandum, and to send herewith, a translation, of the oldest 
of the three copper-plate inscriptions which accompanied that letter. 

“Tn referring to these copper-plate sets in this letter, I will call 
them No. 1, No. 2, and No. 3, in the order of their date. 

“No. 1, which may be distinguished by its thinner plates, and 
the greater boldness of the characters inscribed on them, is a grant 
of a village called Kalvakonda, in the district of Dimila, made by 
Vishnu Vardhana Maharaja to two brahman brothers, Vishnu 
Sharmma and Madhava Sharmma, to be converted into a brahman 
settlement, in commemoration of an eclipse of the moon. 

* Published in the Journal by order of the Council. Impressions taken 
from the three Sasanams described by the Rey. Mr. Foulkes, as also a large 
set of impressions of other copper Sasanams in the Central Museum, Madras, 

have been received from the Madras Government through the Government of 
India, and are now preserved in the Society’s Library, Tur Hprror, 


154 Notes on Three Copper Sasanams. [No. 3, 

‘Several princes of the name of Vishnu Vardhana have reign- 
ed in Southern India; but the present grantor is identified in these 
plates as the younger brother of Satyashraya of the Chalukya dy- 

‘‘This dynasty was founded by Jaya Sinha, who invaded the Dec- 
can about the beginning of the fifth century, A. D., but was defeat- 
ed by Trilochana, king of the Pallavas, who were then the domi- 
nant race in those parts. Jaya Sinha’s posthumous son, Vishnu 
Vardhana, subsequently reversed his father’s misfortune, and esta- 
blished himself in the kingdom of Kuntala, the capital of which 
was Kalyan, which still exists in the neighbourhood of Beder in 
the Nizém’s territory, where his descendants reigned down to 
the close of the twelfth century, A. D. His great-grandson, 
Kirtti Varmma, had two sons, Satyashraya, who succeeded to the 
throne of Kalyan, and Vishnu Vardhana, the donor of inscription 

‘On the death of Kirtti Varmma, there appears to have been 
some political disorder at Kalyan; for Satyashraya did not succeed. 
his father until after his uncle, Mangalisa, had reigned for some 
time. It was probably in consequence of this usurpation, that the 
younger son, the grantor of No. 1, was induced to push his own 
fortunes at a distance from the scene of the family troubles. What- 
ever may have been the cause of the emigration, this Vishnu 
Vardhana, who is surnamed Kubja, or Little, went eastwards into 
the Telugu districts below the ghauts, and conquered Vengiparam, 
the capital of the country, between the rivers Godavery and Kistna, 
and founded the dynasty of the Western Chalukyas, whose capital 
was subsequently fixed at Rajahmundry, and whose territory ulti-_ 
mately extended from Ganjam to Nellore, over which they reigned 
down to the latter half of the eleventh century A. D. 

“The Agraharam of Kalavakonda which was bestowed by grant 
No. 1, appears to have been swept away during this long interval, 
or its name has been changed. J have made several inquiries 
about it, from persons acquainted with the neighbourhood of its 
probable site, but unsuccessfully. 

‘‘My search for Dimila, the district in which this village was 
situated, has been more successful. The Collector of Vizagapatam 

1870. ] Notes on Three Copper Sasanams. 155 

has been kind enough to make inquiries for me in his district, and 
I have received the following letter from him :— 
‘ Vizagapatam, 12th May, 1869. 

‘ After making all inquiries on the subject of your letter of the 
4th March, I regret to be unable to assist you in your researches. 
The Sasanam in question was found near the village of Cheeparu- 
pill, but there are no traces in the neighbourhood of any Agraha- 
ram called Kalvakondah. 

‘There is a village called Dimila in the talook of Sarvassiddy, 
about five miles from the coast, and about eighty-five miles to the 
south of Cheepurupilli, which at one time was of more importance 
than now, and may have been the head-quarters of a district.’ 

‘““The present grant is not dated, but the period of Vishnu 
Vardhanna’s conquests is ascertainable from other sources. A 
grant made by his grandfather Pulakesi, which is in the British 
Museum, bears the date 411 of Salivahana’s era, corresponding with 
489, A. D., and a similar grant by his own brother, Satyashraya, is 
in the possession of a Jaina Guru at Haidarabad, and bears the 
date 534 of Salivahana, or A. D. 612. The date of No.1 may 
thus be fixed about the beginning of the 7th century A. D., and 
this set of copper-plates will, therefore, be about twelve hundred 
years old. 

“The language of this grant is Sanscrit, and the character in 
which it is written, is a developed form of that which is found in 
the inscriptions on the topes and caves of Central and Western 

“Tt appears from Mr. Master’s letter to Government of the 30th 
October, 1867, forwarding these copper-plates, that he had ‘ tried 
every means of deciphering the characters by sending them to some 
of the learned Pundits in the Maharaja of Vizianagram’s service, 
but without success.’ Before attempting to decipher the plates 
myself, I also similarly tried to find some one in Madras or the 
neighbourhood who could read this character ; and I have been 
equally unsuccessful. It is much to be regretted, that this and 
other cognate ancient alphabets of India, should have become so 
generally a dead letter, and that consequently the inscriptions on 
grants like the present one, and on the walls of temples, &c., should 

156 Notes on Three Copper Sasanams. [No. 3, 

be incapable of being read by learned natives, who could most 
readily turn these almost sclitary memorials of the ancient history 
of their country to proper account. 

‘Plates No. 2, and No. 38, are similar grants of villages to 
brahmans. Both of them are written in the Sanscrit language, and 
the mixed characters used in them are of two somewhat later forms 
of that in which No. 1 is written ; but the engraving of No. 2 and 
No. 8, is of an inferior kind and carelessly done, and, therefore, 
the forms of some of the letters cannot always be fixed with cer- 
tainty. Several of the letters are also partially or wholly obliter- 
ated. Some of the letters of the Devanagari character are intro- 
duced in these two grants, while the corresponding letters of the 
‘cave alphabet,’ seem to be quite familiar to the engraver. This 
seems to show that, at the time when these grants were made, the 
Devanagari alphabet was growing into use, but had not yet super- 
seded the older characters. 

‘‘ No. 2, which is the shorter of the two inscriptions on the 
thicker plates, having only three sides of writing, is a grant of a 
village, the name of which I have not been able to make out, by 
Shri Ananta Varmma Deva, the son of Shri Jaya Varmma Deya, 
to a brahman named Vishnu Sharmma of the Gautama Jatra, to 
commemorate an eclipse of the moon. 

‘‘No. 3, is a similar grant of the village of Pankipachri to 
Ajyashthamayya Sharmma, the son of Susugaya Sharmma, of the 
Sohita Gotra, by Shri Rajendra Varmma Deva Raja, the son of 
Ananta Varmma Deva, (the donor of No. 2,) the son of Jaya Varm- 
ma Deva, to commemorate an eclipse of the sun. 

‘‘T have not been able to identify the series of princes here 
named. A king of the name of Jaya Varmma Deva, the only one 
of this name which I can find, reigned in Malwain A. D., 1143; 
but his pedigree does not correspond with that of these grants. 
‘Deva Raja’ was a common title of one of the dynasties of the 
Orissa princes; but the donors of these grants are not amongst 

Translation of Inscription No. 1. 

Prosperity. The royal moon risen above the ocean of the 

glorious Chalakya race, whose two lotus-like feet glitter with the 

1870. | Notes on Three Copper Sasanams. 157 

radiance of the gems of the crown of rival kings bowing down 
before him like creeping plants, defeated by his frowns, is the illus- 
trious Satyashraya Vallabha Maharaja. 

His beloved younger brother, the surmounter of difficulties, who 
has succeeded in penetrating inaccessible fortresses situated in the 
midst of plains, lakes, forests, and mountains; the cow of plenty, 
raining down showers of wealth upon distressed and poverty- 
stricken brahmans; the crocodile bannered one, (the Hindu Cupid,) 
who by his beautiful form inspires young maidens with love; the 
destroyer of the spirit of misery, (Kali) drowning it in the whirl- 
pools of the ocean of his benefactions; adorned with unsullied and 
highly distinguished glory arising out of its many wars and con- 
quests ; reverenced throughout the world like Manu, full of renown 
like Prithu, and accounted wise as Vrihaspati; an orthodox wor- 
shipper of supreme Brahma, the illustrious Vishnu Vardhana 
Maharaja issues his commands in this present matter to the assem- 
bled heads of families inhabiting the village of Kalvakonda, in the 
district of Dimila, as follows :— 

In order to promote his own religious merit, length of days, 
good health, and fame, on account of the eclipse of the moon which 
took place in the month of July, the above-named village has been 
granted to Vishnu Sharmma and Madhava Sharmma of the Gautama 
tribe and the Jaittiriva sect, of the village of Chejhuplara in the 
district of Plaiki, learned in the Vedas, Vedangas, Itikasas, Pura- 
nas, Dharma Shastras, and many other technical bocks, the sons 
of Durga Sharmma, zealous in the performance of the rites of his 
order as prescribed in his own section of the Veda which he has 
thoroughly studied, and the grandsons of Brahma Sharmma, a 
successful student of the Vedas and Vedangas, to be converted 
into a brahman settlement (Agraphara) free of all taxes. 

Let no one molest them in the enjoyment of it; in accordance 
with the following two verses of the Jyana Gita: 

Lirst, Lands have been bestowed by many persons ; 
By many also they have continued to be protected ; 
Whosoever and whatsoever those lands may have been, 
He has obtained a corresponding reward. 

158 Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills. [No. 3, 

Secondly, The bestower of land shall be happy in heaven, 
For sixty thousand years : 
And both he who resumes it, 
And he who concurs in the act, 
Must dwell in hell for the same number of years. 

Notes on the Antiquities of the Naltv, the Assia, and the Mahdbindyaka 
hills of Cuttack—By Bdébu CuanpRras’EKHARA BAnursi, Deputy 
Magistrate, Jajapir. 

[Read 3rd August, 1870. ] 

The following notes are taken from my diary of an official tour 
during the last cold weather, when I had scarcely any leisure to 
devote to antiquarian researches. My object in putting them 
together, is more to stimulate, than to satisfy, the curiosity of the 
reader regarding a few of the out-of-the-way antiquities of a dis- 
trict which has been, for the last two thousand years, famous for its 
peculiar architecture and unrivalled temples. 

The ruins inspected, occur on the summits of three ranges of 
hills, two of which are situate in the centre of the district, and the 
other on its western border. The names which the natives give 
to these ranges are—(1) Assia (marked Assiah in the maps). (2) 
Nalti, and (3) Mahabinayaka. — 

The Assia range runs in a south-easterly direction in the 
’Alamgir estate of Parganah Alti, throwing out spurs towards 
the west and the east. Near the centre of the range, there is 
an open space, lower than the surrounding heights, and which 
communicates with the plains towards the east. This passage 
forms, as it were, the key to the fortified places on the peaks. 
The rangs is accessible from the village of Bar-chani on the Trunk 
Road, and is about 27 miles to the N. E. of Cuttack. 

The Nalti Hill is merely a spur of the Assia range, but is 
separated from the latter by the stream of the Birupa, which flows 
between them ; the hill stands on the north-western borders of the 
Matcadnagar parganah. 

1870. ] Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills, 159 

The Mahabinayaka Hill has also another name, Barunibanta. 
This is the high hill of Qil’ah Darpan which, in almost all weathers, 
is visible from the banks of the Mahénadi near Cuttack. 

Nalti Giri. The name Nalti is said to be merely a corruption 
of the Arabic word Ja’nat (42) or ‘ curse,” so named from a tra- 
dition hereafter detailed. The hill has two peaks of unequal 
height, bearing little vegetation, except a few sandal trees, being 
the only places in Orissa where that valuable plant is met with. 
On the lower peak, I found the ruins of two very ancient struc- 
tures, placed at the distance of about four hundred yards from each 
other. One of these stands on a bold prominence, the heads and 
sides of the rocks around being bald, moss-covered, and jagged. The 
ruins appear to be the remains of an old Buddhist temple ; they con- 
sist of massive slabs of granite whitened with age. The “‘ mandapa”’ 
or porch, is a complete ruin, portions of monolithic pillars 7 to 8 
feet in height, only standing on the corners of the basement with the 
figure of a Hindu (?) god cut in the pedestal of one. ‘The structure 
had been raised on a substantial foundation, and it is probable 
that some other force than the wasting influence of time only, has 
been at work to pull it down. This appears the more probable 
from the ruins of a Musalmian’s tomb standing by, perhaps built 
from the debris of the more ancient building. 

The other structure, which stands on the pass between the two 
peaks, was built on precisely the same plan as the first, consisting 
of a porch and a cella, surmounted by a small pyramidal tower. 
This is in a better state of preservation. ‘The roof of the porch 
has given way, but that of the cella still stands. It has no 
columns, and is formed of solid walls with niches in the interior 
for the figures of Buddha or “‘ Ananta Purushottama,”’ as the people 
on the spot callthem. The figures are all erect, about five feet in 
height, holding in the left hand a lotus with a long stem, cut in 
high relief. The other hand is mutilated; so is the nose. The 
eyes have all a meek expression, and the curled hair is tied with a 
fillet round the middle of the head. The ears, breast, arms, 
and wrist have ornaments similar to those of the figures in the 
Bhubanesvar and other old temples of Orissa; the style of their 
execution point clearly to the same age and the same state of the 

160 Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills. [No. 3, 

art. There are inscriptions on the stone behind the shoulders, 
and in one instance near the feet. I found it difficult either to 
decipher or to copy them, but I thought the style of writing to be 
the same as i found in another part of the hill and which will be 
noticed below. In front of this temple, there is a brick pillar. It 
is round, but encircled at places by raised rings, and has also small 
niches, and projecting bricks intended for ascension. 

On the higher peak and on the highest point of the Nalti Giri, 
at an elevation of about 1000 feet above the surrounding country, 
I found the ruins of a round building. Three circular layers of 
stone are alone to be seen now, which formed the base of the 
temple. In the middle of this platform, there are traces of three 
other layers, and a number of cut stones lie scattered round it, 
among which I found a slab, bearing an inscription of ten lines. I 
had not time enough to copy the inscription, but I found no diffi- 
culty in removing it to my tent, and hope to submit it to the Society 

About five hundred feet below the above point on the western 
slope of the hill, there is a place called the ‘‘ Hathi-khal” or the 
elephant hole or cave. I have no doubt there was formerly a large 
cave cut in the rock at this place, the roof of which must have 
come down, the hill itself having been disturbed by an earthquake 
whence the tradition at this place of its being cursed. I saw six 
figures of Buddha of the same size and height, standing in a line, 
portions of their legs up to the knee having gone down or been 
filled up by the fall of the cave, in front of whichthey must origi- 
nally have stood. These figures are four feet in height (from knee 
to head) and cut in slabs of sandstone, two feet three inches in 
breadth. They appeared to be very old, and enveloped in milk- 
white moss that had very nearly filled up the lines of an 
inscription which, after some difficulty, I succeeded in recovering 
from one of the slabs. The inscription contains the Buddhist 
creed Ye dharma’ hetu, &c., in the Kutila character. 

A few yards from the above figures I found a broken pedestal 
ornamented with two lons-couchant with a lotus in the middle, on 
which a Devi was sitting whose feet and dress up to the waist 
only were visible. The pedestal is elegantly cut and exhibits a 

1870. ] Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills. 161 

good style of art. There can be no doubt that more images are 
concealed in the brushwood and jungle around. 

The people in the vicinity informed me that the images and the 
temples on the Nalti hill had been constructed by Raja Bashokalpa;; 
but I should think, that was an attempt to transfer the tradition of 
another (the Chulia) hill, and localise it in this place. The inscrip- 
tion, being unmistakably Buddhist, leaves no doubt as to the origin 
of the shrine. 

Evident traces of buildings, scattered bricks, broken capitals, 
cornices, and images of gods with inscriptions now daubed with 
vermilion by the villagers, lie scattered on and at the foot of the 
hill, which clearly shew that a better people once lived there than 
those who at present inhabit it. 

Assia Girt. These hills cover a larger extent of the country 
than any other in the district. The locality is now known as 
"Alamgir, aname given to it by its Muhammadan conquerors. The 
ancient Hindu name was Chatushpitha, subsequently corrupted 
into Chdr-pulie, or the ‘four seats” or ‘‘shrines,’”’? and was so 
called after the four highest peaks of the chain. One of these 
peaks, which overlooks the stream of the Birupd, is now known 
as the ’Alamgir hill, on which stands a mosque on the summit 
of a precipice, about 2,500 feet above the level of the country, 
one of the most prominent and commanding spots in Orissa: 
The mosque is a plain building, consisting of a single room, 
29 X 19 & 9-4, surmounted by adome, and bearing an inscription 
of three couplets in Persian engraved on three slabs of black 
chlorite which form the freize. 

The inscription has been partly read by Mr. J. Beames, and from 
his reading, it would appear that the Zurzkh of the Mosque is given 
in the words 

wrist LHpdy? ELS, 
Rashk + Firdaus ¢ barin. 
‘Tt vies with Paradise.’ 

The sum obtained by adding the numerical values of the letters 
composing the 7arzkh is 1152 of the Hijra era, corresponding with 
A. D. 1719-20, when Shujé’uddin reigned in Orissa as Deputy 
of Nawab Murshid Quli Khan. 


162 Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills. [No. 3, 

The tradition connected with the building of the mosque runs as 
follows :— 

Once upon a time the prophet Muhammad was winging his way in 
mid-air on his celestial throne, with a large retinue. When the hour 
for prayer arrived, he alighted on Nalti Giri. The throne was too 
heavy for the hill, and the hill too small for the retinue. Hence the 
hill commenced to shake and sink. The prophet got annoyed, pro- 
nounced a Ja’nat, or curse on it, and repaired to the more elevated 
and spacious mount of Char-pitha, on the precipitous rock, where 
the mosque now stands. There he addressed his prayer, and the 
print of his knees and fingers are pointed out on the stone which 
is preserved in the shrine. His followers rested on the four peaks. 
No water being accessible on the hill, Muhammad struck the rock 
with his wand, and a bubbling spring of pure water at once rose 
up; traces of which are still shewn to pilgrims. A darvish, by 
virtue of his prayers, came to know this sacred spot, went up to it, 
and, on a Khirni tree which, stood close by and still stands, 
hoisted the prophet’s flag made of his handkerchief. 

When Shuja’uddin was marching to Cuttack, he was encamped 
at Hrakpur, whence he heard the voice of prayer chanted on the 
top of the hill at the distance of six miles. The followers of Shuja’ 
became anxious to visit the shrine, but he dissuaded them, taking 
the vow at the same time to come back, and pray on the spot with 
them, should his march prove successful. Successful it proved. 
Shuj@ returned, made the road-of about two miles in length up the 
hill on foot, through one of its easy slopes, and built the mosque ~ 
which still bears his inscription. 

The mosque faces the Hast. In front there is a platform sur- 
rounded by a thick wall witha gate. Towards the west, high 
and rough rocks overlook the building. But to its north, a high 
terrace has been raised for the reception of darvishes and 

The tradition narrated above, may be construed merely to refer 
to the conquest of the Moslem over Hinduism, the demolition of 
Hindu temples, the mutilation of Hindu gods and goddesses, and the 
reduction of the Hindu supremacy on the Nalti hill by the followers 
of the prophet, and the hoisting of the prophet’s flag on a rival and 

1870. | Antiquities of the Cutiack Hills, 163 

more elevated spot, perhaps already sanctified by the residence of a 
pious Musalm4n: the old name Nialati affording an easy transition 
to la nat. But whatever might have been the origin of the tradition, 
the popular belief still remains, that the bald and barren Nalti Giri 
is a cursed hill, and the prophet still reigns on Alamgir. The 
expense of the shrine is covered by the profit of sixty acres of land, 
endowed by Shuja’uddin. The mosque is lighted every evening, 
the rocks resound with the voice of prayer every morning and 
evening, and the people in the neighbourhood, both Hindu and 
Moslem, offer homage at the shrine. 

The Hindu name of the ’Alamgir peak was J/andaka, from the 
village of that name at its foot, where the manda or the primitive 
system of ordeal by fire or boiled oil, &c., was held during the 
Hindu period. : 

Udaya Girt, This is one of the Char-pitha or four peaks of the Assia 
group. The spur on which old ruins are found, is an elevated ter- 
race, sloping from one hundred and fifty feet above, to the level of 
the plain. Itis situated towards the north-eastern extremity of the 
group, surrounded by a semicircular range of pointed boulders, 
leaving an opening towards the east. On the latter side it overlooks 
the Kalia river, which runs about two hundred yards from its base. 
Jt appears that this, the only side from which it was accessible from 
the plain, was at one time protected by an entrenchment cut in the 
rocks from precipice to precipice. It was appropriately termed 
Udaya Giri or the “ Sunrise Hill,” from its being the most eastern 
extremity of the group and of the Cuttack district. At one time 
the sea, according to local tradition, laved its foot. This tra- 
dition is still preserved in a saying which the Uriyas repeat, to 
signify an impossibility : ‘‘ You cannot expect it. The sea is now 
far off from Udaya Giri.’”’ The soil beyond the Udaya Giri is pure 
alluyion. Between it and the sea, scarcely a stone can be seen. The 
country is a flat, arid, sandy plain, in most places devoid of all 
vegetation, and the tradition, therefore, appears very probable. 
The more so, as it receives peculiar support from two passages in 
Messrs. W. T. and H. F. Blanford and W. Theobald’s Report on 
the Talcheer Coal Field. “From this plain, the alluvion from 
the coast to the foot of the hills in Cuttack,” say those gentlemen, 

164 Antiquities of the Cuttack Fills. [No. 3, 

small isolated and steep hills rise in a few places to the north 
of Cuttack and, taken in connection with the bosses and whale-back 
ridges which stud the surrounding country, present all the features 
of an upraised archipelago, and lead to the belief, that, at no very 
remote geological period, the water of the western portion of the Bay 
of Bengal dashed against many a rugged cliff, and rolled around 
clusters of islands which studded over what is now the Province of 
Cuttack: indeed a comparatively trifling depression of the country 
might reproduce the same phenomena.”’ In a subsequent part of 
their report, they state “‘ around the gneiss hills which have been 
mentioned as rising suddenly from the alluvial plain, a quantity of 
water-worn pebbles are always found, evidently the remains of an 
old beach. Although, owing to weathering, these pebbles have 
somewhat lost their rounded form and smooth surface, yet this 
mode of occurrence and the absence of large angular blocks, prove 
that they are of beach origin, and not merely rolled from the 

It must be added, however, that what the men of science suppose 
to have accrued at a former geological period, the tradition brings 
within the history of man. Anyhow the table-land of Udaya 
Giri must have been peculiarly adapted to the Buddhists for a 
sanctuary; a variety of hills and dales, green-woods and plains, 
a limpid stream in front, combined with the solitude of the place, 
amply inspiring a devotional feeling, ‘‘the vision and the faculty 

At the foot of the hill, the eye is caught by a colossal image of 
Buddha, half covered in jungle, and a portion buried under the earth. 
Tt is fully nine feet in height, the length from the knee to the head 
being seven feet. The figure is cut in high relief on a single slab of 
rough chlorite, holding a large lotus in the left hand ; the nose and 
the right hand are mutilated. The ear, arms, wrist, and breast are 
decorated with ornaments, and the cloth round the waist is fastened 
with three chains answering to the gote of the present day, worn 
tight like a belt. The breast-plate furnishes an excellent pattern, 
more elegant than any that I remember to have seen in the 

* Memoirs, Geological Survey of India, I. pp. 33 and 70, 

1870. | Antiquities of the Cuttack Ells. 165 

Bhuvanesvara, Khanda Giri, or any other temple in Orissa. 
Between this image and the Bapi or large well, situated about 
fifty feet higher up the ground, the place is spread with the 
ruins of ancient edifices, the ground plans of which may still be 

Passing over the ruins we come to the Bapi or well cut in the 
rock. The Swarga Ganga on the Khanda Giri hill is insignificant 
compared to this reservoir. It is 23 feet square, cut 28 feet deep 
from the top of the rock to the water’s edge, surrounded by a stone 
terrace, 94 feet 6 inches long, and 388 feet 11 inches broad. The 
entrance to the terrace is guarded by two monolithic pillars, the 
tops of which are broken. The edge of the well and the extremity 
ef the terrace are lined with battlements of large blocks of 
wrought stone, rounded on the top, and three feet in height, 
leaving a wide passage or walk behind. The well is situated 
towards the southern extremity of the terrace. From the north 
and in the middle of the terrace, a few yards off the en- 
trance, a flight of steps (3 feet in breadth, and 81 in number) 
runs down the rock as an approach to the water. The rock be- 
tween the lowest step and the well has been cut into an arch, and 
on its face there is an inscription of which a transcript is given 

aime Qanata ate. 

The same inscription appears in another part of the rock on the 
right side of the steps, and also on the eastern wall of the terrace. 
The rock appears to have been quarried, marks of the chisel 
being evident; but I should suppose from the cracks and smoky 
stains on the rock down the well, that fire or some other force was 
also used to split it. 

About fifty feet higher up in the jungle, there is another platform 
on which once stood a sanctuary of Buddha. Numbers of images 
of gods and goddesses, engraven on slabs of different shapes, are 
scattered around. A group, with the heads and arms mutilated, 
is still worshipped by the people who had succeeded in effacing 
all trace of its original character, by painting the figures with 
repeated layers of vermillion and turmeric. These images, no 

166 Antiquities of the Cuttack Fills. [ No. 3, 

doubt, belong to a subsequent period, when Buddhism had lost its 
influence, and was passing into Brahmanism. ‘The chief interest 
of the place, however, lies in the ruins of a gate and the figure of a 
Buddha. The place was so enveloped in jungle, and the ruins so 
buried in earth, that it was difficult for me to form an idea of the 
edifice which once stood there, but from the gate in front and the 
rock in the rear to which the figure of Buddha is engaged, I 
have little doubt that the sanctuary was partly constructed and 
partly excavated. 

The Gate is composed of three heavy rectangular blocks of 
stone. One of them is placed transversely over the other two, to 
form an entablature. The height of the gate, omitting the 
portion that has been buried by accumulation of rubbish, is 7 feet 
8 inches. 

The upright blocks have been cut into five bands highly ornament- 
ed with sculpture, which appears fresh and sharp as if just cut by 
the chisel. The innermost band contains wreaths of the true lotus 
(Nelumbium speciosum). There are altogether 12 groups of the 

flower. The second band is divided into 

pannels, bearing male and female figures 

in armour. The middle one contains a 

wreath of flowers. On the fourth band 

there is a continuous winding wreath, 
_ encircling figures of men and women. The 
last-or the outermost band is a wreath 
of large flowers of great beauty. The 
middle band is capped by a capital, of 

which a rough sketch is shewn in the 
The architrave and the freize are em- 

bellished with a great number of grotesque 
figures. On the middle of the frieze, there 
are two niches containing figures of Buddha. In the middle of the 
architrave, another figure of Buddha appears, over whose head two 
elephants twist and wave their trunks from opposite sides. On 
both sides of the group, small, grotesque male and female figures 
have been cut into the form of a wreath; the waving hand and 

1870. | Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills. 167 

forefinger of each touching a point on the shoulder of the figure 
preceding, and the toe placed on the projected knee of the one 

I am disposed to think that this gate was provided with doors. 
There are two big holes in the corners, which were no doubt intend- 
ed to receive the hinges. 

The image of Budha. About 16 feet beyond the gate, behind a 
narrow passage blocked up by brambles, I came to a cell, 9 feet 
square and as many feet deep. In this a large image of Buddha is 
placed in a sitting and meditating posture. It is 5 feet, 6 inches 
long from waist to head. The face itself is 1-6 by 1-5, and the 
breast, 3 feet 6 inches broad. It is made of three pieces of 
bluish chlorite. The head is formed of one piece, the neck down 
to the breast of another, and all below of a third. The joints have 
cracked a little now, but they could not originally have been dis- 
cerned. I paid a passing visit to this image, nearly three years ago, 
when employed in enquiries connected with the late famine, but I 
do not remember to have then observed these joints. The rock 
behind the image has been smoothed with layers of small bricks. 
There are four huge stone pillars, two standing near the cell, and 
two near the gate, which must have at one time supported a roof and 
formed a porch in front of the cell. 

There is an expression of strength and boldness about the 
straight gait and broad breast of the image which contrasts stri- 
kingly with the meekness of the eyes. The left arm has been 
placed carelessly over the thigh, the palm being visible ; the right 
hand has been mutilated ; so is the nose. 

Scarcely one image was met with on these hills, which had 
escaped the ravages either of time or of fanaticism. ‘The tradition 
regarding the mutilation of the nose, is the same everywhere. Ask 
the humblest Uriya of the cause, and the reply is: ‘it drop- 
ped at the sound of Kalapahar’s kettle-drum,” thus significantly 
pointing out the origin, but superstitiously veiling the manner of 
its destruction. One thing, however, is certain, that there is no 
spot in Orissa, however remote or secluded, to which the arms of 
the Moslem conquest did not reach, or which did not suffer from 
its ruinous influence. The lover of antiquity cannot turn to these 

168 Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills. [No. 3, 

images, without wishing confusion on the Moslem banner, and ruin 
on those fanatic hands which raised it. 

The two other peaks of the Char-pitha are Achala Basanta or 
“ternal Spring,” so named, perhaps, from the Iuxuriance of its 
ever-green trees and flowers; and the Baro Dehi, or ‘‘ seat of the 

At the foot of Achala Basanta lie scattered the ruins of 
Haji Pura, the residence of the brethren and the relatives 
of the old hill-chief. Dilapidated remains of old gates, stone 
platforms, and broken walls are all that are now visible: they do 
not suffice to give any idea of the size of the original edifice. 

The Baro Deht, or the seat of the chieftain, is at the foot of 
the highest peak. There are the ruins of an old fort in the jungle, 
which I had not an opportunity to visit, but the tradition connected 
with it, as given to me by a native, runs as follows :— 

In olden time, the fort was held by a chief who was a washerman 
by caste. From SKhalicoti (Calicut) in the far south, came an out- 
law, by name Lokanath Bhumija. He besieged the fort by night, 
surprised the old chief, put him with his family to the sword, and 
established his sway over the hills. He then assumed the name of 
Bali from the fact of his having taken possession of Baro Dehi by 
mere bal, or strength, a name yet retained by his family. During 
the Musalman and Mahratta periods, the hill estate of ’Alamgir 
ranked among the Q:’lajjdis of the permanently settled estates 
of Cuttack. At the time of British settlement, the Raja proved 
recusant from a mistaken notion of his own superiority, and the 
estate was therefore included within the 2ughalbandi, or revenue- 
paying temporary settled estates. It is stated that the Raja 
subsequently made his submission, but his title could not be 
recognised by the Settlement Commissioner as his title-deed ap- 
peared to be suspicious. The ’Alamgir estate has now been split 
up, aud has passed into the hands of different purchasers, and the 
representative of the old Raja’s family is a pauper, living on the 
produce of a few acres of land, which has been assigned to him by 
the gratitude of an old servant of his family, the Garh Nayaka or 

governor of the fort. 

1870. | Antiquities of the Cuttack Ills. 169 

Amardvaté. This Hill is now known as the Chatia Hill from its 
proximity to the village of that name on the Trunk Road to Cut- 
tack. Its ancient name was ‘‘Amaravati Kataka,”’ and I am 
disposed to think that this was one of the Katakas, or fortified 
places of the Ganga Vansa kings of Orissa, to which Mr. Sterling 
assigns no locality. On the eastern foot of the hill there are the 
remains of an old fort, the broad and extensive rampart of which, 
made of the laterite of the hills, forms the most prominent 
feature of the ruins. The stone wall is 4 feet deep, and the people 
say it ran one cos square. Within the rampart there is a high 
platform, accessible by a flight of steps. The wall over it, made 
entirely of stone, is broken. A number of broken pillars and capitals 
was also observed, but the place on which the inner apartment 
stood, is covered with such thick jungle and thorny brambles that I 
could not form a conjecture as to the plan of the edifice. On ano- 
ther platform, I observed the images of two goddesses (Indrani) 
cut in alto relievo out of two blocks of slate-stone ; they are remark- 
able for their elegance and beauty. 

The people in the neighbourhood informed me that before the con- 
struction of the Cuttack Trunk Road, the ramparts were in a much. 
better condition than in what they now are: the Vandals of the Pub- 
lic Works Department having demolished them for the sake of the 
stone, with which they metalled the road. Nor was their conduct 
in this case singular, for, whether at Jajapur, Chatia, or Cuttack, 
they have everywhere proved equally destructive, and what 
escaped the ravages of time and of Muhammadan bigotry for cen- 
turies, have yielded to their sacrilegious hands. This is much to 
be regretted, the more so as it appears altogether inconsistent 
with that enlightened spirit in which Government has called the 
attention of its servants to the collection of facts and traditions 
which may tend to throw light on the past history of the country ; 
any how such conduct, on the part of any class of its officers, 
however unintentional, cannot be too highly reprehended. 

There is a spacious and magnificent tank, covering about 20 acres, 
within half a mile of Amaravati Kataka. The people call it Wilu 
Pukhar, evidently a corruption of Nilaya Pushkarini or ‘ tank with 
a dwelling;” for in the centre of this tank, there are the ruins of 


170 Antiquities of the Cuttack Hills. — [No. 2, 

an old building, of considerable dimensions, partly covered with 
shrubs, and partly whitened with moss, and the refuse of aquatic 
birds. There is a curious tradition connected with this building of 
about the age of Kalapahar, the general of Sulaiman Afghan, (A. D. 
1558,) who, it is said drove out Bashu Kalpa, the chief of the 
Barunibanté (Darpan) Hill and compelled him to take refuge in 
the Dhanabanta hills (Chatia). Bashu Kalpa became subsequently 
the lord of the Amaréavati fort. The structure in the tank was 
built to protect his grandson on his wedding-day, when it was 
predicted a tiger would kill him. I do not give the anecdote at 
length, as it resembles in all its details the story of Chand Sadagar, 
as sung by one of our early Bengali poets. The enemy of Chand 
Sadégar of Champanagara was the serpent, as instigated by the 
goddess Manasa ; that of Paddalochan, the Uriya prince, the tiger, as 
instigated by Satya Narayana. Evidently the authors of the Bengali 
and the Uriya poems got the idea of the enemy to their heroes from 
the nature of the country they inhabited: Chaémpanagara stands 
on a flat plane near Budbud, not far from the Damuda, and is 
subject to floods. The serpent is still dreaded there, and a meld is 
annually held to worship it. Chatia is close to the forest, and still 
suffers from the ravages of leopards. It is curious that there is a 
place near Chatia also known as Champa Hat. 

Maha-vinayaka. Thisis one of the peaks of the highest chain 
in the district of Cuttack, viz., the Barunibanta hills in Killa Dar- 
pan. The country around it is wild, and inhabited by an aborignal 
race known as Sawars, evidently the Savaras mentioned in Menu, 
who, in physical and mental peculiarities, resemble the Sonthals of 
Western Bengal. The hill is covered with primitive jungle, and sel- 
dom visited by any but pilgrims. It was probably from the beginning 
occupied by the Sivites, no sign of the worship of Buddha being 
traceable onit. The prospect from the top of the hill is glorious. The 
Sivites could not have selected a better spot for their Bhajana Manda- 
pa or temple of worship. From the point where I ascended, the 
country around seemed a magnificent panorama of light and shade, 
diversified by carpets and crests of evergreens. The sun was just up, 
and under its rays far below in the distance, every patch of water 
appeared like a mass of blazing diamonds; every running brook, 

1870.] Antiquities of the Cuttack Mills. 171 

a rich gorget on the breast of emerald earth. The high level canal 
with its numerous curves appeared like a silver girdle nicely set 
round the waist of the chain. The course of the Birupd, a distance 
of 24 or 26 miles, through all its windings from Mandaka, perhaps 
Chowdwar near Cuttack, could be traced like a thread of melted 
silver. It appeared to be a spot pre-eminently fitted for ‘ medita- 
tion and sacred song.” On the northern slope of the hill, about 
400 feet above the level of the country, there is an Asthala or 
monastery now occupied by Vaishnavas, who have evidently super- 
seded the Sivites of old. The base, formed of a picce of cut 
stone, is all that remains of the original sanctuary of the place. The 
walls and the steeples appear to have been repaired or rebuilt 
after they were destroyed by the Muhammadans. The principal 
curiosity of this place is, the god Maha Vinayaka, which is a 
massive piece of rock over which the modern temple has been 
built. The rock must be more than 12 feet in circumference, it is 
oval at the top, and has three faces in front. The middle one has 
a good resemblance to the head of an elephant with its trunk, and 
is accordingly worshipped as Ganes‘ha or Vinayaka. The right 
face of the rock is considered to be Siva, and what it wants in actual 
resemblance, has been made up by paint of sandal and vermillion. 
The left face of the rock has a knot over it, which is fancied to be 
the tresses of the goddess Gauri bound up. The rock is accor- 
dingly worshipped as the union of the gods Siva and Ganesa 
and the goddess Gauri. The place is by no means very ancient, but 
the veneration for it is increasing with the increase of age. There is 
a waterfall about 30 feet higher up, which supplies water to the 
temple and pilgrims. A few steps above this fall, there are a few 
images of Siva, called the ‘“‘ Ashta Lingam” from their number. 
Besides the foliage of the trees and the canopy of heaven, there is 
no other shade over these gods. The ground on all sides is cover- 
ed with dense jungle, high and ancient mangoe trees predomina- ~ 
ting. Considering the insecurity of the place, it displays a steadfast 
devotion, and bold indifference for life on the part of those who, 
centuries ago, first inhabited these hills for the purpose of religious 


Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [No. 3; 

Additional Gondi Vocabulary.—By Rev. James Dawson, 

Chindwara, C. P. 
(Continued from p. 117). 

Personal Pronouns.—First person. 
Bal, anna, I. 
Ba, anna, 1. 
aTatt, arate, Ala, Alaa, nawor, niwork, ndwa, ndwang, 
my, of me. 
ara, aH, nak, or nakun, to me, me. 
a ala, va sin, from me. 
arat sfys, ndwa épide, in me. 

Baz, ammot, we. 
arate, aware, Ala, AAA, mawor, mawork, mawd, mawang, 
our, of us. 
ara, aKa, mak, makun, to us, us. 
Al ata, ma stn, from us. 
Bat sfas, méwa épide, in us. 

Personal Pronouns.—Second person. 
Sw, vmmda, thou. 
<a, vmmd, thou. 7 
Malt, Tara, Alar, Mata, xéwor, néwork, niwa, niwdng, 
thy, of thee. 
aia, Taya, v2k, néhun, to thee, thee. 
Ml ata, 22 sin, from thee. 
aat efas, néiwd ipide, in thee. 
% Za, he immd, O thou. 
Sats, vmmdt, you, ye. 
AAI, HATH, AAT, Braiz, miwor, mawork, mawa, mawang, * 
your, of you. 

Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 173 

. aa, aKa, mak, makun, to you, you. 

al ata, mz sin, from you. 
@at sfas, miwd ipide, in you. 
= Za, he imméat, O you. 
Personal Pronouns. — Third person. 
Bix, or, he; that. 
Ix, or, he, that. 
STFS, Fiesta, BlFet, Brevi, onhor, onhork, onha, 
onhang, his, of him. 

=~ ° ° 
. Bra, on, to him, him. 

Brat Da, on sin, from him. 
Bitas, dpide, in him. 
Sra, ork, they, those. | 
Sa AX, ara, A, aia, orknor, orknork, orkni, orknang, 
theirs, of them. 

. SHA, orkun, to them, them. 

Tix Mea, ork sin, from them. 

SIifas, dpide, in them. 

Personal Pronouns.—Third person, Feminine. 

we, ad, she, it; that. 

we, ad, she it; that. 

Ava, ATH, A, Ata, ténnor, ténnork, tinnd, tdnndng, ov 
Be AX, ata, A, aia, addenor, addenork, addend, 
addening, hers, of her. 

ata, tan, to her, her. — 

ata ata, fan sin, from her, from it, 

=Bifas, dpide, in her, in it. 


St, au, they, those. 

WAR, ara, a1, aia, aveknor, aveknork, avekna, avekning, 
theirs, of them, 

saga, welun, to them, them. 

waa, Ata, avek sin, from them. 

sifas, dpide, in them, 


Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [No. 3, 

Demonstrative Pronouns.—Near demonstrative, Masc. Sing. 

ut er, this (man). 
Ux, er, this (man). 
TAIT, ATH, Al, AIA, ennor, ennork, enna, ennang, of this. 

. Ba, en, to this, this. 

Ua Wie, en sin, from this. 
efas ipide, in this. 
ta, erk, these (men). 
on Se * 4 , 
THM, ATH, Al, Ala, erknor, erknork, erkna, erkndng, of 

} CHT erkun, these. 

ua dia, cri sin, from these. 
LS See ° 
afas. pide, in these. 

Demonstrative Pronouns.—Near demonstrative Fem. 

<< ad, this (woman). 
<< zd, this (woman) or (thing). 
AA, AH, Al, AIA, tennor, tennork, tennd, tenndng, of this. 
aa, ten, to this, this. 
aq ata, ten sin, from this. 
fas, ‘pide, in this. 

=u, it, these (women) or (things). 
Saaeri<, ara, al, via, weknor, iweknork, weknd, wekning, 
of these. 
saga, cuvckun, to these, these. 
saa ala, evel sin, from these. 
< ~ AO ° 
afae, zpide, in these. 

Demonstrative Pronouns.—Remote demonstrative. 

The remote demonstrative 41< or, that (man), we ad, that 
(woman or thing) with their plurals Sra ork, those (men), St au, 
those (women) are declined like the third personal pronoun. 

1870. | Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 175 

Ut alae, er mdnwal, this man. 
wR arate, eri manwalk, these men. 
BIXt arate, or manwal, that man. 
Sra Aare, ork minwdlk, those men. 
ZS FINK, zd ar, this woman. 
eu Bim, 1% dsk, these women. 
Fez Bt, ad dr, that woman. 
SIT Jrea, au ask, those women. 

When the demonstrative pronouns are used with nouns, they 
are not declined, but are always used inthe nominative case, 
although the nouns which they qualify are in the oblique case. 
When the demonstrative pronouns are used by themselves, they 
are declined as above. 

Relative Pronouns. 

The Relative pronoun is the same as the Interrogative 41% Lor, 
who ?, and the correlative is supplied by the remote demonstrative 
Bric or, that; e. g— 

SIeS SA AAl ASSATA ATER AA BAT Bexar, Lonha Leng ann kengtan 
onha leng chokho mandé. Whose voice I heard his voice is good. 
His yoice whose I heard is good. 

Interrogative Pronouns. 
The interrogatives are a1t bor, qe bad, and aia ddng, and are 
thus declined. 
at bor who ? Mase. Sing. 
Nom. 41%, dor, who ? which ? 
Gen. aTfeIX, at, ZI, Uta, bonhor, bonhork, bonhd, bonhcng, 
whose ? 
D. Ac. ara, don, to whom ? whom ? 
Ab. = ata ala, on sin, from whom ? 
L. aifas, bapide, in whom ? 
Mase. Plural. 
Nom. ata, ork, who ? which ? 
Gen. a@THatt, Ara, AT, aia, borknor, borknork, borkné, borkndng, 
whose ? 

176 Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [No. 3, 

D. Ac. atHa, borin, to whom? whom ? 

Ab. ata ata, bork sin, from whom ? 

L. atfus, bépide, in whom ? 

The Feminine and Neuter is qe bad. It is declined like the 
3rd person pronoun feminine ye ad, by the insertion of 4 before 
it ; thus :— 

Nom. 42, bad, who ? which? 

Gen. a@ alt, AtaH, al, Ata, baddenor, baddenork, baddend, badde- 

ning, whose ? 

D. Ac. 9€ a, badden, to whom ? whom ? 

Ab. qe a ata, badden sin, from whom ? 

L. qifas, Laprde, in whom ? 

Fem. Plural. 

Nom. 1, bau, who ? which ? 
Gen. aaaatt, ata, AT, ata, Laveknor, baveknork, baveknd, bavek- 

nang, whose ? 
D. Ac. aga, bavekun, to whom ? whom ? 
Ab. gaa aia, davek sin, from whom ? 
L. aifas, bipide, in whom ? 

ata, dang, what ? 
Singular and Plural. 

N.& Ac. ata, bang, what ? 
Gen. arait, eta, St, ata, bdndor, bandork, banda, bandang, of 

what ? 
D. ath, batkun, to or for what ? 
Ab. atata, batstn, from what ? 
L. aifas, bapide, in what ? 

Indefinite Pronouns. 
4Tz, bore, any one, some one. 
Nom. 41%, bore, any one, some one. 
Gen. aTeere, STH, Z, Zid, bonhore, bonhorke, bonhai, bonhange, 
of any one, &c. 
D. Ac. are, bone, to any one, any one. 
Ab. Stet Wat, bone sin, from any one. 
L. ala <q, bone ropa, in any one. 

1870. ] Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 177 

aja, ddnge, any thing, something. 
gia wa, bdnge halle, nothing. 
ata at ata, Ddnge nd bange, something or other. 
aia Se, bdnge dé, whatever may happen, come what may. 


alatat kzdnd, to do. 
Indicative Mood. 

Present Tense. I do or am doing. 

Fat Alwtarat, anna héctona. 

ZAI Alara, emma kedtons. 

.m. SIX AlBTae, or kiator. 

.f. Se alstat, ad hidta. 

BAS AAacAa, ammot kiatoram. 
TMS Atyatcta. ommat kdatorét. 
ml. STR alatata, ork kidtork. 

f. St alaTata, at hédtdng. 

Imperfect Tense. I was doing. 

Za Hara, anna kindan. 
zat alata comma kindin. 
m. SIX aSX, oF kindur. 
f, 3 alr, ad kindu. 
Hale Alara, ammot kindom. 
sare alata wmmat kindit.. 
rat aEH, Sit ata, ork kindurk, au kindung. 
Past Tense. I did. 
Wat atara, anna kitdn. 
za alate, dimma kitin. 
Ge altgz, or kitur, He atg, ad kitu. 
Ware Alara ammot kitom. 
ZATS alata, emmdt kite. 
Bra alga, ork kéturk : Bt Higa, av kitung. 

178 Additional Gondi Vocabulary. | No. 3, 

Perfect Tense. I have done. 

1. a@tatat, kétond. 

2. alata, Létoné. 

3. alatt, f. alat, Aétor, £. héta. 

1. atatta, kétoram. 

2. alatcta, kitorit. 

3. alata, alata, kétork, f. kétdng. 

Pluperfect Tense. I had done. 

1. alfa aren, kisi mathona. 

2. alfa ware, és7 mathont. 

3. alte wart, alfa azar, Lisi mathor, f. hist mathé. 
1. alfa warca, kis? mathoram. 

2. a@ife wataa, Lisi mathorit. 

3. wife zara, ata, és? mathork, kisi mathing. 

Future Tense. I shall or will do. 

iL alSTaT, hiaka. 
2. alaral, hake. 

3. aETat, hédnur ; alsa, kedl. 

1. a@larata, kéakom. 

2. alsrata, kdkit. 

3. RTA, kidnurk, avarea, keanung. 

Conditional Mood. 
Present Tense. If I do. 

1. alarat, haha. 

2. alarat, 2ake. 

3. At, al, Lr, Ké. 

1. a@lstata, Léidhom. 

2. wmlarata, kahit. 

3. ata, ata, Lirk, king. 

Imperative Mood. 
2. Za ala, amma kim, do thou. 
2. FATS ala, vmmat kimt, do ye. 

Infinitive Mood. 
RATA, HATA Aéind or kédle, to do. 



qe b = © bb = 

Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 


alan, alas, kéteke or hisode, doing. 

alfage, késikun, having done. 

ZrTarat dydna to be, or to become, 
Indicative Mood. 

Present Tense. 
am, or I become. 

Brara andan. 

grata, dndin. 

BPEL, ATS, dndur, andu. 

grata, dndom. 

walta andit. 

SEH, area, andurk, dndung. 

Past Tense. 
I was, or I became. 

Gata, atan. 
Bata, atin. 
BWAqt, Big, atur, atu. 
Bara. atom. 
Brata, ait. 
Tiga, Brgqa, aturk, atung. 

Axa, mandand, to be, or to remain, 
Indicative Mood, Present Tense. 
T am, or I remain. 
ara, mandond. 
Hazrat, mandonte. 
WAIt, AAI, mandor, manda. 
atta, mandoram. 
wartia, mandorit. 
wera, Wala, mandork, mandang. 
Past Tense. 
I was, or I remained. 
warat, mathona. 
ware, mathoné. 
Wat, WUT, mathor, matha. 


180 Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [No. 3, 

1. wWaita, mathoram. 
aarca, mathorit. 
3. Bara, aati, mathork, mathang. 

The remaining tenses of the verb ‘to be” are formed regularly 
form ¥TaTat dyand. The Gonds seem to use arat mandénd more 
frequently to express ‘‘ existence,” and ‘‘ become” they always 
express by STarat dyand. 

There is also a peculiarity in the language in regard to the use 
of the negative wa halle with the verb. This particle causes a 
change on the form of certain parts of the verb as will be seen by 
using it, along with alyrat kédnd, to do, which has already been 
conjugated. It affects some moods and tenses, but not others. 

Conjugation of the verb @israt kédnd with the negation wa halle, 
not to do. 

Indicative Mood. 
Present Tense. 
I am not doing. 
1. Brat ea MSTA, anna halle kion, I am not doing. 
Za Ba Hilal, cmma halle ivi. 
3. SIT sa MASINI, or halle kior. 
Fe Va A, ad halle kiod. 
1. Bae we ATA, ammot halle kiom. 
2. sare wa alata, immat halle kivit. 
8. Sra wa MATa, ork halle kiork. 
Si Sa Ha, aw halle kéong. 

Imperfect Tense. Same as the Affirmative. 
I was not doing. 
Past and Perfect Tenses are alike. 
I did not and I have not done. 

BA Ta Arar, anna halle kita. 
Za Va Hla, emma halle kita. 
Gt Ba Alat, or halle kita, ad halle kita. 
HAS Sa AlaT, ammot hulle kita. 
SMe Za Alar, cmmat halle kita. 
Gia, Bt va Hla, ork, au halle kita. 

ond rean 

1870. | Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 181 

Pluperfect Tense. I had not eaten. 
Same form as Aff. 
Future Tense. 
T shall or will not do. 

Ba es Hate, anna halle kindl. 

Sl Ba Hlave, wmméa halle kindl. 
Git, HE ea AlaTS, or, ad halle kindl. 
WAS BA Alara, ammot halle kinal. 
SMe wa alata, emmat halle kindl. 
Sra, ST wa alate, ork, au halle kindl. 

go to b+ go bo 

Conditional Mood same as the Future except in the third persons 
Singular and Plural which are the same as in the Affirmative 

Imperative Mood. 
2. SAT AA AAT, emma manni kemd, do not thou do. 
2. Zale Wal Hale, immdt mannié kemat, do not ye do. 

Infinitive Mood and Participles are the same as the Aff. forms. 

Abbreviations used in Vocabulary. 
s. substantive; a@. adjective; v. ¢. verb transitive; v. 7. verb 
intransitive ; ad. adverb. | 
k. @. kiana Aare, to do; m. a. maéyand ararat, which seems to 
be another form of mandana aarat, to be or to remain; s. 8. stand 
asta, to give. H. Hindi or Hindustani. 

Awake, v. i. chaile maéyana ae Aaa. 
Awake, v. t. chaile kiana Se Ala. 
Afterwards, ad. pia fast. 
Amputate, v. t. narkst watana aa at STeTaT. 
Alone, a. warror, f. warrai aquic f. qa. 
And, conj. unde ww. 
Acquire, v. t. paye maydéna "Ula Alarar. 
Appear, v. i. désdna elarar. 

Altar, s. bhind, pl. bhindng ale pl. aaa. 


Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 

Afflict, v. t. tarse kiana 
Ancestor, s. dal, pl. ajalk 

Almighty, a. sabro-chish-kidnwale 

Advance, v. i. munne vidand 
As, conj. bahun 

Ask, v. t. puchhe kiéna 
Appoint, v. t. badhe kiana 
Appointed, a. badhe-kital 
Alike, a. lekha 

According to, a. lekha 
Ashes, s. nér 

Abate, v. i. ghate maydna 
Again, ad. usode 

Alas, inter]. ide H. 
Angel, s. dit, pl. dith 
Anything, s. bénge 
Archer, 8. kamtd-irranwéle 
Arrow, 8s. tér, pl. térk H. 
Army, s. faw, H. 

Ass, s. gadhal, pl. gadhéng 

Answer, s. jawadb, pl. yawabh FH. 

Accumulate, v. t. saure k. 
Artless, a. stidho m. f. 

Among, prep. te and sometimes ne 

Affliction, s. dukh, H. 


Blood, s. nathur 

Brother, s. tammur 

Back, s. murchul, pl. murchulk 
Be, v. s. mandana 

Become, v. 1. dyna 

Behind, prep. pya 

Bury, v. t. mistana 

Bind, v. t. dohtana 

Breathe, v. t. dam yetana 
Blow, v. t. ukana 

ae aaa. 
Bisite pl. Sse. 
aa asa. 

ae @lSrar. 



US Wala. 


ea pl. =e. 

ale ater. 


aware pl. TATA. 
SATA, Salen. 
ae &. 



ay & pl. aa, 



<u Sarat. 

[No. 3, 


Bite, v. t. kaskéna 

Begin, v. t. lagana 

Belly, s. pir, pl. pirk 
Burst, v. t. oranda 

Body, s. mendol, pl. mendolk 
Breath, s. dam 

Beginning, 8. mothur 
Border, s. siwdr, pl. siwark 
Burn, v. t. atana 

Because, conj. barike 
Before, prep. munne 
Barren, a. bahilal 

But, conj. unde 

Bad, a. burtor, f. burtas 
Breadth, s. rundopan 
Broad, a. rundo 

By, prep. sin 

Beneath, prep. khalwa 
Bring, v. t. tatond 

Bread, s. saré 

Bird, s. pitte pl. pitteng 
Bear, v. t. wahtana 

Bear, v. t. sadana 

Bosom, s. kord, pl. korang 
Break, v. t. wrutana 

Bake, v. t. atana 

Butter, s. loné 

Bawl, v. i. hakd stana 
Blind, a. sural, andr al 
Blindness, s. andralpan 
Bull, s. kurra, pl. kuwrrang 
Bullock, s. kondaé pl. kondang 
Bottle, s. badla, pl. badléng 
Bow, s. kamta 

Business, 8. dhandho, pl. dhandhong. 

Bush, s. shir, pl. ghiirk 
Brushwood, s. phir, pl. ghirk 

Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 183 


Wx, Ta. 
BRI, Gale. 


faatz, feata. 


faz, fasa. 

ateatat, to bring forth. 
alatat, as a fruit tree. 





gua, Via. 

HU, Feria. 


STRUl, WRATH, made of 
ArT. [ leather. 
WUT, dain. 

nS, HES 



Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [No. 3, 

Bow, v. i. mursana 

Boundary, s. séwar, pl. stwark 
Bracelet, s. chird, pl. chiirang 

Blame, s. dosh H. 

Cloud, s. abhar 
Cut, v. t. narkand 
Cut, v. t. koidénd 

Cut, v. t. askana 

Cloth, s. dikar?Z, pl. dikaring 
Come, v. i. waydnd 

Come out, v. 1. pasitand 

Creep, v. i. koditénd, ghurse m. 

Conceal, v. t. murutdnd 
Conceal, v. t. maksutand 
Cubit, s. kita, pl. kitang 
Cattle, s. Konddng, murdng 
Camel, s. uttwm, pl. uttunk 
Call, v. t. keana 

Choose, v. t. pehekana 
Count, v. t. kahtand 
Chase, v. t. pya yetand 
Chicken, s. pélal 

Crow, s. kawal, pl. kawalk 
Corpse, s. murda 

Carcase, 8. murda 

Cake, s. phuloré 

Cook, v. t. atdnd 

Calf, s. puiya 

Complete, v. t. piro k. 
Close, v. t. kehcht stand 
Concerning, prep. hikke 
Cow, s. mira 

Call, v. t. haka s. 

Cleave, v. t. pahitana 

Hart, Alara. 
Fst TSU 
BG \ 


AAT, applied to wood. 
azar, applied to 
grass, &c. 
FATA, as with a knife. 
feagl, feagta. 
SItSaTat, Be a, 
ay ara. 
ATT, asta. 
fasit Sarat. 
WUT &. 
fea, cfus. 
STAT a. 

1870. Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 185 

Cave, s. Lhodro IAT. 
City, 8. nagar, p. nagark AAT, AIA. 
Concubine, s. irtdl dr, p. irtalk ask, ate BT, TA BS. 
Collect, v. t. saure k. as &. 
Censure, s. chugli qrait. 
Command, s. hukm H. Sa. 
Command, v. t. hukm k. Sa a. 
Crime, s. dosh H. STM. 
Cover, v. t. muhtdénd awaray’ 
Commander, s. of an army, faw tor 5 

subal, WIS AIT GATS. 


Descend, v. i. ragand, raitanda, CUTAT, Carat. 
Descend, to cause to, v. t. rehténa CSarat. 
Drink, v. t. undand TWAT. 
Die, v. i. sdydnd Qala. 
Do, v. t. kiana qlSTar. 

Dress, v. i. pondénd Wizatat, (one’s self). 

Dress, v. t. ponsutdnd qragarar, (another). 

Destroy, v. t. mite k., nash k. fas a, aIm a. 
Dry, a. watal qate. 
Deceive, v. t. bahake kh. aaa aw. 
Daughter, s. méar, p. miérk Alaqet, aaa. 
Daughter-in-law, s. kodiar AUSATC. 
Drag, v. t. arétand WUATat. 
Dust, s. dhildo PRLAE 

Day, 8. din, p. dink fea, faea. 

Drive, v. t. punand Wats. 
Despise, v. t. vitar k. Halt A. 
Darkness, s. dnddr H. BIRAIT. 
Divide, v. t. juddo k. ET 

Deny, v. t. badle m. aR a. 
Decrease, v. 1. ghate m. qe a. 

Dinner, s. jawa SUTAT, Pp. Saya. 
Direction, s. khak wTaR. 

Direction, from every, nalung te khak nal, ae a a GH Ara. 


Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 

Desire, v. t. chahe m. 
Draw, v. t. wmana 
Delay, s. jhel. 
Delay, v. t. jhel k. 
Dream, s. kanchkénd 
Dream, v. t. kanchkana 
Death, s. sadyan 
Dig, v. t. katana, khode k. 
Dead, a. murda, p. murdang 
Dismiss, v. t. dada k. 

Kstablish, v. t. nilutand 
Expel, v. t. tandana 
Hight, a. armir 
Hmbark, v. 1. targané 
Hye, s. kan, p. kank 
Each, a. undé undé 
Every, a. wndé wndé 
_ Kagle, s. gidhal, p. gidhalk 
. Empty, a. sino 
Evening, s. nilpe p. nilpeng 
Eternity, s. letu 
Kar, s. havi, p. kauk 
Entertainment, s. jawa 
Extend, v. t. virsutdnd (as the arm) 
Everything, s. sab-bange 
Explain, v. t. vehtand 
Enemy, s. bari, p. bhairirk H. 
Hvil, a. duro 
Enlarge, v. t. virsutand 
Earn, v. t. putsutand, kumai k. 
Envy, v. t. karvitand 
Karth, s. thoré 
Earth the, s. dharté 
Enmity, s. dair H. 

Fructify, v. t. sadustana 

[No. 3, 


az @. 

Barat, as water from 
wae. [a well. 




ATATAT, are a. 

Het, weta. 

Taat a. 


wa t. 


Wat Tal. 
Teal Weal. 



BTS eT. 


Fear, 8. warre 

Form, s. chola 

Field, s. nelz, p. neling 
Face, s. tudi 

Fling, v. t. watand 

Four, a. naling 

Five, a. savyring 

Fifty, a. pachds, ardho nir 
Flesh, s. shank, khandum 
Fill, v. t. nihtand 

Fall, v. i. arvana 

Float, v. i. pongdana 
Forsake, vy. t. chhore k. 
Fire, s. kis, p. kisk 
Father, s. dha, p. dhairk 
Find, v. t. paye m. 
Family, s. got (tribe) 
Famine, s. kar, p. hark H. 

Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 187 



aet, Teta. 



ae TI. 


aq a. 

SN ba) 
Waa, BUT AT. 
ain, aed. 
ATS Wh. 
faa, Tae. 
BIH, Vs. 
ula a. 


Flock, s. yeting, applied to sheep or'goats, azv a. 

From, prep. ¢a/, sén 

Flee, v. i. soditand 

Food, s. tindand, undana 

Fear, v. t. waritana 

Fruit, s. kaigang 

Forefather, s. gal, p. walk 
Fountain, s. jzria 

Fountain, s. mongha (as of a well) 
First, a. pahelo 

Fish, s. min, p. mink 
Fruit-bearing, a. haiydang-wala 
Foreskin, s. naddum ta thol 
Flour, s. pindé 

Fine, a. chokho 

Finish, v. t. puro k. 

Far, a. lakh 

ate, ata. From a per- 
son, sin, Ata, from a 
place, tal are. 


fare, Swat. 







aia, wea. 





Ut &. 



Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 

Feast, s. gawd 

Fell, v. t. as a tree, arutana 
Fraud, s. chhal H. 

Force, s. barbus H. 

Full, a. piiro 

Feed, v. t. tehténd 

Fault, s. dosh H. 

Farewell, s. bida H. 

Green, a. hirwo 

Graze, v. t. mehtana 

Graze, v. i. medna 

Go out, v. i. pasitana 

Go, v. i. handéna 

Grave, s. murghat, masonté 
Grow, v. i. borsdnd, as a child 
Grow, V. i. pirdnd, as a plant 
Grow, v. t. pirsutand 

Guarding, s. mark/inim, applied to men 
Guarding, s. jagalz, applied to fields 

Generation, 8. veld, p. veling 
Great, a. paror, f. paré 
Get, v. t. paye m. 

Give, v. t. stand 

Grass, 8. jard, p. jaring 
Good, a. chokho, m. and f. 
Good, a. bhalo, m. and f. 
Good, ad. bhalo 

Girl, s. turd, p. turing 
Gain, v. t. putsutand 

Gain, v. t. hamdi k. H. 
General a, 8. fawj tor subdal 


Hundred, a. niir, p. mirk 


uf aarar. 

ick a. 

dal, aaa. 
GSit, UST. 
ula 4. 



23 p- esta. 
Ras A. 

GIs aTt Said: 

AC, Ta. 

Euaband, s. rot-tor the man of the house tta- ax. 

Hide, v. i. makdna 
Hide, v. t. maksuténa 

aA Saar. 

[ No. 33 


Hill, s. matd, p. matang 
House, s. von, rot-te in the house 
Herdsman, s. mehténwdle 
Hand, s. hui, p. haik 
Hand, left, dawo kat 

Hand, right, jeono kat 
Here, ad. igga 

Henee, ad. eggatal 

Hither, ad. hikke 

How, ad. bahun 

Heifer, s. padda 

Hinder, v. t. roke k. 
Heaven, s. dgas 

Heat, s. adi 

Haste, s. utawulé 

Hasten, v.1. utdwali k. 
Heavy, a. puhta 

Heavy, to be, v, i. puhtdnd 
Hasten, v. t. jaldé hisutana 
Herd, s. of cattle, murdng kondang 
Heir, s. adhikarit H. 

Horn, s. kor, p. kohk 

Half, a. adho 

Heel, s. daka 

Happen, v. 1. arané 
Hatred, s. dacr H. 

Increase, v. i. borsdnd 

Increase, to cause to, v. t. bursiténd 
Inquire, v. t. pichhe k. 

Inform, v. t. kenchutand 

Inhabitant, s. mandanwdle 

Judge, v. t. nydo k. 
Judge s. nydo-hianwale 
Judgment, s. nydo 
Journey, 8. jatra H. 

Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 


ASI, Hea. 
<a, Ua-a 
a, A. 
STAT &. 

cS aa SS 



UTh A. 
Walaa a. 
weal ateara. 
asta araia. 



3s aa 
WR a, 

ag aa. 

SqTST- aT Ta. 

ae. o 


Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 


Know, v. t. pundana 

Keep, v. t. as a garden, sudhare hk. 

Keeping, s. markhim, jagalé 
Kall, v. t. goks¢ watana 
Knead, v. t. piskand 
Kindness, s. mihr H. 

Knife, s. chhuré 

Live, v. i. pisind 

Leather, s. tol 

Laugh, v. i. hawwand 

Leave, v. t. chhore k. 

Land, s. dharte 

Lift, v. t. tahtand 

Light, s., a candle or lamp, divid 
Light of day, s. verché 

Light, a. halko 

Large, a. paror, f. para 
Little, a. chudor, m. and f. 
Like, a. lekha 

Learn, v. t. karitana 

Lamb, s. shalmanyal na pilal 
Lead, v. t. munne takana 

Look, s. nigah H, 

Middle, s. naddum 
Make, vy. t. bane k. 
Morning, s. sakdle 
Mother, s. dhaz 
Meet, v. t. kalitand 
Milk, s. pal 

Month, s. tédé 
Marriage, s. marming 
Marry, v. t. marming 
Mock, v. t. thatha k. 
Mocker, s. thatha-kian-wale 

Gut Fi. 

< => 
ae a, Sat. 

fqarat. © 
als &. 
ae at. 

aa aTaTa. 

qa a. 



Sol &. 

Sol-al Beare. 

[ No. 3, 

1870. | Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 191 

Master, s. malik H. 
Merchant, s. baipari, baiparirk 

Sura p. sqTca. 

Naked, a. kurdhe HSH. 
Nakedness, s. kurdkepan RSTRIT. 
Nine, a. wunmak Van. 
Not, ad. with imp. mood, manni ara. 
Not, ad. with other moods, halle Sa. 
Name, s. parol, p. parolk GSIS, TSR. 
Now, ad. inga Sar. 
Nephew, a brother’s son, s. sanimarrt ataary. 
Number, v. t. kahtand aTeatat. 
Night, s. narké WaT. 
Nothing, s. bénge-halle aia-wat. 

Nose, s. massor, p. massork 


One, a. unde. weal. 
Open, v. t. ugare k. WIS H. 
Open, to be, wgare m. BAT a. 
Open, a. ugare yams. 
Obtain, v. t. paye m. "Ula a. 
Observe, v. t. mane m. ala a. 
Obey, v. t. mane m. ala &. 
Old, a. sendl, f. seno ale, Vat, applied to 
Old, a. junor, f. junal BAT, stata, applied to 
things, sometimes to 
- persons, 
Out, ad. daharo aTSu. 
Outside, ad. baharo alert. 
Overturn, v. t. ulte k. VRS FH. 
Ox, s. honda, p. kondang APS, HTM. 
Outstretch, v. t. vérsutand Salat. 
Occur, Vv. i. ardna UAT. 
Plant, v. t. lage kidna Ga w. 

Place, v. t. arand 



Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 

Pull, v, t. umdana, as water from a well sara. 

Property, s. dhan-daulet 

Pitch, v. t. nilutand. (as a tent) 

Pit, s. sora 

Pursue, v. t. pya hk. 
Persecute, v. t. tarse k. 
Prevent, v. t. roke k. 
Pregnant, a. ranjiwwand 
Produce, v. t. sadana 
Proceed, v. i. munne virdna 
Place, s. thikan 

Press, v. t. admana 
Pillar, s. dharun 

Person, s. jan, p. gank 
Proprietor, s. adhikaré H. 
Prove, v. t. parkhe k. 
Prince, s. subal 

Price, s. mola 

Pour, v. t. richt k. 

Pulse, s. daré 

‘Pottage, s. gawa 

Play, v. 1. garsana 
Plain, s. chaugan H. 
Pain, s. dukh H. 

Quarrel, v. 1. taruténa 
Quickly, ad. japne 

Rainbow, s. bhémal 
Remain, v. i. mandana 
Road, s. sarré 

Rib, s. paneka 

Run, v. i. vitana 
Raise, v. t. tahtana 
Rise, v. 1. tedana 
Reach, v. 1. awana 
Rain, s. pir 

Tost w. 
ay a. 
Um @. 

qa Sista. 

Ba, Bea. 
a faattt. 
ae a. 
Cts a. 

[ No. 

1870. ] Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 

Rain, v. i. arutdnd Beara. 
Receive, v. t. paye m. ala a. 
Rebel, v. i. badle mast handand TEel HAL CAAT. 
Ram, s. mendhal Bere 
Return, v. i. mals? wayand Asal AIAT. 
River, s. dhoda @Iet. 
Reptile, s. ghurse-mayanwala ¥-AaaTey- 
Rest, s. dram H. SHCA 
Roar, v. 1. kélitaénad, as a tiger @ifaarar. 
Recline, v. i. dete m. ze &. 
Regarding, prep. hikke eR. 
Rebuke, v. t. dapte k. H. Sas &. 
Right, a. hagg, H. TR. 
Reproach, s. chugli ae. 

Spread, v. t. pongsutand qiagarar. 
Sign, s. chakhina Wea. 
Spread, v. t. bagare k. que 
Shoulder, bakha STaq. 
See, v. t. hurana STA. 
Son, s. mart, p. mark aa, aa. 
Say, v. t. ¢ndana Zara. 
Speech, s. wankana aarar. 
Share, v. t. tustana aeTay. 
Separate, v. t. juddo k. wet W. 
Stoop, v. i. mursdnd aaa. 
Surround, v. t. tirétdnd Tatiarar. 
Sleep, v. 1. narmana air heii 
Serpent, s. tards, p. turdsk AUTH, ACTS. 
Shoe, s. sarpum, p. sarpul ay a, aa @. 
Shut, v. t. honde k. Alte Gi. 
Smell, v. t. mushkana Hae. 
Six, a. sariing ea. 
Seven, a. yerling aga. 
Speak, v. t. zndand SIA. 
Stone, s. fongé Zfal. 




Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [No. 3, 

Summit, of a mountain, s. chendi 

Shew, v. t. hursutana 
Sojourn, v. i. mulkgiri kh. 
Save, v. t. pisutdna 
Sister, s. selar, pl. selark 
Strive, v. i. tarutana 
Salt, a. sharo 
Salt, s. sawar 
Smite, v. t. g2and 

Slime, s. chikla 

Steal, v. t. kaland 

Stealer, s. halle 

Seize, v. t. boitang 

Sun, s. suryal 

Set, v. i. as the sun, mulitané 
Seem, v.i. /agdné (it seems) 
Spring, s. sired 

Seed, s. va 

Swim, v. i. pohe m. 

Second, a. diusero 

Small, a. chudor m. and f. 
Star, s. sukkum, p. sukkuk 
Set, v. t. errana 

Skin, s. thol, p. tholk 
Sunshine, s. adé 

Stand, v. i. nitdna 

Salute, v. t. sewajay k. 

So, conj. ahun 

Surely, ad. sharo 

Send, v. t. rohtana 

Scream, v. 1. hélitana 
Similar, a. lekha 

Sit, v. 1. udand 

Side, s. shak 

Shut, v. t. kehchi stana 
Shout, v. t. haka s. 

Shade, s. dharmé 


Gat, VaR. 
as ara. 



"le a. 
SE, SHa, 
Fase A. 

a ita ava. 



HSS VTAT (asa door). 
STAT a. 

1870. | Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 195 

Search, v. t. parkdna 

Seek, v. t. parkana 
Son-in-law, s. sanne, p. sannerk 
Strike, as a tent, v. t. arutand 
Slay, v. t. joksé watind 

Self, s. tanat 

Swear, v. t. hiriya tindana 
Sheep, s. Ahélmdanyal p. -yalk 
Shew, v. t. vehtdnd 

Sacrifice, v. t. tarhutana 

Split, v. t. pahitand, applied to wood, 
Shore, s. tharé 

Sand, s. waru 

So many, a. dchchho 

Sure, a. pakko 

Simple, a. sdho m. and f. 
Sell, v. t. momanda 

Sport, v. i. garséna 

Spring, s. as of a well, mongha 
Sorrow, s. dukh, H. 

Tie, v. t. dohtand 
Tent, s. pal, pl. palk 
Tell, v. t. samphe k. 
Throw down, v. t. watana 
Two, a. rand 

Three, a. mind 

Ten, a. pad, pl. path 
Twenty, a. visa H, 
Take, v. t. yetana 
Turn, v. t. teritana 
Turn, v. t. tirhutana 

This, dem. p., ¢d, pl. du, f. 

ey, pl. erk, ma, 



Ua, Vag. 

fatsar fararen. 












Gia F. 




Ue, eh. 





ze, ra, applied to fe- 
males and things, 

XX, Uh, applied to men, 


Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [ No. 3, 

That, dem. pron., ad, pl. aw, f. 

or, pl. ork, m. 

Touch, v. t. ¢fand 

Throw away, v. t. wats? s. 

Take away, v. t. woidnu 
There, ad. agga 

Top, s. chend2, the summit of hill 

Tribe, s. got 

Together, ad. wndthkattho 
Towards, prep. /ikke 
Thither, ad. hakke 
Thence, ad. aggatal 
Thus, ad. chum 

Thief, s. halle, pl. hallerk 

Thread, s. nil 

Tree, s. mara 
Tender, a. kawre 
True, a. kharoe 
Truly, ad. kharo 
Then, ad. aske 
Teach, v. t. harutana 
Tire, v. 1. dorana 
Tire, v. t. dorsutana 
To-day, s. nend 

To-morrow, 8. ndrz, nine 

Truth, s. kharopan 
Tell, v. t. kenchutand 
Try, v. t. parkhe k. 
Thicket, s. jhur 

Town, s. nagar, p. nagark A. 

Thigh, s. jangh H. 
Trough, s. donga 
Thing, s. chiz, p. chizk 

Therefore, conj. ten laydno 
Themselves, rec. pron. dpus H. 

Be, BT applied to fe- 
males, &c. [ men. 

it, Bra applied to 


aaa 4. 



asi, faa. 
Ta a. 




wisi, GisH. 
at VATA. 

apus te, among themselves STE a. 

1870. | 

Vegetable, s. bhaspdla 
Voice, s. leng 
Village, s. nar, p. nark 
Very, ad. para 
Victuals, s. tandéna wndanda. 
Void, a. sino 
Visit, v. t. kalitand 
Vagabond, s. mulk-giré k. w. 
Veil, s. adam 
Value, s. rokar H. 

Walk, v. 1. handana 
Weep, v: 1. arand 
Wife, s. rot-taé 

Who, inter. pro bor 
Whose, bonha 

Whom, bon 

Wealth, s. dhan-daulet 
Why, ad. bare 

Warn, v. t. indand 
Woman, s. ar, p. ask 
Where, ad. bagga 
Whence, ad. buggatal 
Whither, ad. beke 
With, prep. sn 
Wilderness, s. dongur 
Whip, v. t. j7ana 
Waterpot, s. sora 
Well, ad. bes, chokho 
Wash, v. t. nurdnd 
Wash, v. t. sukkand 
Wish, v. t. chahe m. 
Water, s. yer 

Waiter, v, t. to cause to drink, whtana 

Additional Gondi Vocabulary. 



at, Ara 


Tara Swat. 

Ai Para. 
BS-AC BW a. 




<ta-at, the woman of 
the house. 















au, Tat. [ person. 

ace, applied to the 

@RTAT, to wash clothes. 

STS @. 



See interr. . 


198 Additional Gondi Vocabulary. [No. 3, 

Wanderer, s. mulk-giri kh. w. AHA a. 4. 
Womb, s. pota GTat. 
Wean, v. t. onha pal chhute k. STFS UTS Ke A. 
Wander, v. 1. bhule mateke wallitana wel aah afaarar. 
Work, s. dhandho BET 
Witness, s. gohdé, pl. gohairk Tires, FTE. 
Wood, s. kati atreat. 
Weigh, v. t. joke k. SIR A. 
Well, s. kid H., pl. kung RIA, RAT. 
Wonder, s. achambhé H. Bau. 
Wonder, v. i. achambha k. Bay A. 
Wearied, pp. dorsé erat. 
Weary, to be, v. i. dorana S1cat. 
Window, s. khirké fasat. 
Wrangle, y. i. tarutand asarett. 

Year, 8. warsd at. 
Yes, ad. inge za. 
Youth, s. ravor, p. raiork VHT, THs. [ persons. 
Young, a. raior, f. raid LIK, tI, applied to 
Yesterday, s. ndrz, ninne aTsi, fara. 


The Gonds in this district count the length of ten in the Gondi, 
and then use the Hindi numerals. 

1870.3 The Vastu Yaga. 199 

The Vastu Yaga and its bearings upon Tree and Serpent Worship im 
India.— By Prarkpacnanpra Guosna, B. A. 

(Read 7th September, 1870.) 

In the history of human progress, the feeling of fear has perhaps 
proved as active an agent in invention as necessity. The phi- 
losophy of fear is most interesting: originating in the want of 
strength, or in a feeling of want of strength, fear often, to use a 
paradox, concentrates, if it does not create, strength. It impels 
an individual to flight, sometimes with such extraordinary rapidity 
as to baffle all pursuit. The energy spent in avoiding a danger if 
concentrated and better directed, might, in many cases, lead to the 
overcoming of the obstacle; but as the mind shrinks within itself 
at the very idea of danger, it slackens the nerves for all action 
except flight. A man runs with the greatest velocity when impelled 
by fear. In the very flight he may have unconsciously overcome 
several difficulties, which, in sober moments, he would rather have 
fled from, than manfully encountered and overcome. It is conta- 
gious, because the exhibition of fear in a companion damps the hope 
of relief from that quarter: it makes one feel lonely, the most 
favourable condition for engendering fear. It advances as hope 
recedes, after the faith in our own strength has been shaken. It 
originates superstition ; for when human aid fails, the mind naturally 
looks to the supernatural and the mysterious: mantras, charms, 
and sacrifices are resorted to, with a view to propitiate the imaginary 
evil-doers, and sacrifices are selected to suit the nature of the evil 

In the earliest portraits of the Aryan race, as delineated in the 
Vedas, we find their ideas and their thoughts centred in their homes, 
their cattle, their fields, and in the discomfiture of their enemies. 
Their wants were few, and their prayers, therefore, were less varied ; 
and their ceremonies were, probably, equally simple. But this 
simplicity bore within itself the seed of a very complex system of 
thought. Everything that was useful in some way or other, every- 
thing that was beautiful or awful in nature, or that excited unusual 
feelings, or suggested new ideas, was estranged from the ordinary 
and associated with the supernatural. 

200 The Vastu Yaga. [ No. 3, 

A new current of thought soon after set in. In the freshness of 
imagination during the primitive state of society, comparisons, me- 
taphors, and allegories, were soon changed into real entities, and 
mythology rapidly gained ground in men’s minds. Thus the Pu- 
ranas, by a natural poetical idea, made the sun and the moon, which 
witness all that is done on the earth, the spies of the divine 
ruler—a myth describing the all-pervading nature of their rays. In 
the Vedas, they are regarded as the universal witnesses of all cere- 
monies. The &déhu, the ascending node, is derived from the verb 
literally meaning to abandon, void, hence also black, darkness, 
shadow, &c., and is represented in mythology as having no body, 
the wmbra of the astronomers. The wnbra may be said to devour 
as it were the luminaries. Later mythology makes Rahy a trunk- 
less head, an ingenious mythological adaptation of the umbra 
which devours, but inasmuch as it has no body, the moon comes 
out from the throat. Again, poetic imagination or extreme fear, 
personifies qualities, and that to such an extraordinary extent, 
that while describing the blood-thirsty vengeance of S’akti, she is 
said to have, in the Chhinnamasta incarnation, cut off her own head 
from the trunk, and with the gaping trunkless skull gluttonously 
drunk her own blood which springs with the warmth of life. 
However hideous the conception is, itis the result of the license 
allowed to poets to use partial similitudes. To such flights of un- 
shackled imagination, the variously formed sphinxes of the Chal- 
deans are but mere flutters of the wings. As allegories illustrative 
of the concentration of force to overcome difficulties, and the 
adaptation of means to a purpose, the achievements of Durga offer 
many interesting instances. On the occasion of vanquishing the 
mighty Aswras, Sumbha and Nisumbha, and their general, named 
Mahishasura, (the buffaloe-demon) the several gods are made to direct 
their energy to their weapons for the purpose. The goddess Durga, 
representative of this union, sprung forth with ten arms fit to crush 
several Asuras at one fell swoop. Kali, another incarnation of © 
Sakti, in the war with Raktavija, a demon multiplying his race, as 
his name implies, from the drops of blood flowing from his body, 
and touching the earth, is represented as having licked up the blood 
as it streamed forth from his person with a view to arrest that 

dreadful propagation. 

1870.] The Vastu Yaga. 201 

_ Many of these myths, again, may be traced partly to oriental hy- 
perbole and partly to the many-sided meanings of the words used in 
describing them : figurative expressions were seized and new myths 
were invented in illustration of them. Others again are illustrative 
of national customs ; thus the protruded tongue of Kéli has been the 
theme of several fanciful tales. With some, in the heat of the battle, 
Kali was so maddened, that the gods despaired of the world, 
and sent S‘iva, her husband to appease her. S‘iva crept among the 
dead soldiers lying on the field, and contrived to pass under the 
feet of Kéli, who no sooner perceived her husband trampled under 
her feet, than she became abashed, and, in the fashion of the 
women of the country, bit her tongue as expressive of her regret 
and indelicacy. 

It is amusing to follow the line of argument put forth in the 
Purdnas in support of these myths. In some instances, they ap- 
proach so near the ludicrous, that were it not for their thorough 
adaptability to the state of native society of the time, their 
fallacies would have been long ago exposed, and the whole Paurdnic 
system spurned and despised. 

Sakti is Force. Originally a sect of Hindus worshipped force 
and matter as eternal. The word being in the feminine gender, 
its personification is a female divinity of supernatural powers, 
and every occupation which called for great exercise of energy and 
power at once selected her as tutelary goddess, and she is now 
the most popular of all the three and thirty millions of the Hindu 
pantheon. S’aktaism has since imbibed so many brutal practices of 
cannibalism, human sacrifice, and bacchanalian rites, that the very 
name of a S’akta, inspires horror and disgust; nevertheless the unholy 
Tantras, which propound and explain the principles of this doctrine, 
and give rules for worshipping the different forms of S’akti, are 
increasing in number and popularity. They were, until lately, com- 
paratively unknown beyond the frontiers of Bengal, but copies of 
MSS. are now demanded from every quarter of Hindustan. The 
Tantric system is of Bengali origin, and its rites and customs are 
intimately interwoven with those of the hill tribes, especially those 
of Nepal and Assam. Demonology is a principal feature in the 
S‘dkta faith, and the various nocturnal ceremonies are fixed which 


202 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3, 

were much in vogue in Bengal, even as late as about fifty 
years ago. 

Nor did fear and superstition stop with the creation of gods out 
of poetical objects. In men’s anxiety to avail themselves of super- 
natural aid, they did not hesitate to borrow from foreign and other- 
wise hated sources. 

Sattipir, Minikpir, Shahjummd Faqir, Shah Farid, Oldbibi, and 
many other similar di minores and saints, found their places in 
Hindu mythology entirely from this cause. In jungly districts 
and infested rivers and creeks, Adlu Rdya and Dakshin Raya are 
as commonly worshipped as the local Pirs and Ghazis. It is 
remarkable that Hdlu Raya and Dakshin Réya are represented by 
trunkless mitred heads. They are held to be guardians of the 
forest, and they ride on tigers and crocodiles. On the 30th day of 
the month of Pausha, these two forest demigods are worshipped, 
and with them earthen figures of their tigers and crocodiles. 
But this is limited to the southern districts of Bengal, where these 
ferocious animals abound. They are worshipped as KAshetrapdlas 
or field gods, and are said to have originated from the heads of 
Brahma, the creator, cut off by S‘iva. To them sacrifices of goats 
and ducks are offered, perhaps more to appease the tigers and the 
crocodiles than the gods themselves. 

That the same principle of appeasing the unmanageable and 
the dreadful is the basis of serpent worship, is easy to de- 
monstrate. The serpent goddess is worshipped in the Euphorbia 
antiquorum, The goddess mother of the serpents, and goddess pre- 
siding over them, is Manasa, the object of love and devotion, and, as 
the name implies, an allegorical creation. Indeed, tree and serpent 
worship may be said to have originated partly, if not entirely, in the 
imagination of the people, and in figures of speech. The chief of 
the serpents is Hae, eternity, literally endless, of which the univer- 
sally acknowledged symbol is a coiled snake. Though represented 
as the support of Vishnu, while floating on the fathomless sea of 
chaos before creation, (God in eternity), he is, in the Puranas, 
described as having the form of Vishnu, meaning, perhaps, the 
eternity of Vishnu. Thus the Puranas describe him as 

1870.] ; The Vastu Yaga. 208 

‘A thousand-hooded, four-armed &c.’’* 

In Purénic mythology, he is the bed on which NVdrayana is said to 
have rested before creation, and will rest after the creation is de- 

a4 ae fra Taras Tae at 
AAA TAA Baa Sfaut Wat | 
Alaa AAT AH VWIGTwaT wet | 
GIT STATA LUST} saves | 

Here Ananta, (eternity) in the form of a serpent is described as 
doing menial work and waving a fan. But elsewhere he is said 
to be an incarnation of Vishnu. 

The myth of the Atlas serpent named S’esha (the end) is 
acknowledged to be allegorical. Thus the Kurma Purana. 

walaaaat airsrarea tare | 
fealal Madara aaa Wada | 
fasta sagen Sard] GeHT ay 


It is the Hindu form of chaos. The figure in it was, as usual, 
soon forgotten, and the frequent earthquakes that visited parts 
of India were accounted for by a slight extension of the idea 
contained in the myth. The Wu, the serpent of eternity, has a 
thousand hoods, and upon one of them he holds the earth. At 
times he relieves himself by changing the load from one to another 
hood, and the motion caused by his replacement of the load is said 
to be the cause of earthquakes, 

Vishnu is repeatedly brought in contact with the serpent. As 
the presiding god of the sun, in fact the sun himself (sun = Vish- 

* quraeedan Tgas facies | 
aaaqaaart eras || 
Paregqrcat f4 WF AAI | 
ay efaw gy ret TATA: AT (1 

204 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3, 

nu = Hari) he is an enemy of Rahu, whose stellar form is that 
of a serpent, and who, as a demon, was cut into two by Vishnu’s 
discus on the occasion of the distribution of nectar churned 
from the ocean of life, alas light, the sweets of knowledge 
to the gods. Rahu (to be abandoned) is, as we have said before, 
also black, darkness, or ignorance. According to the Graha Yana 
Tantra, an astrological work of great importance amongst the Hindus, 
the presiding god of Rahu is Hala (Death = Time), and the subor- 
dinate god (ym@faeaat) is a serpent:—an idea which reminds 
us of the tree of knowledge and the serpent in the Mosaic 
legend. Réhu is the lord of bones, and it presides over the 
southwest quarter of the globe, (nirétc) over misfortunes and calami- 
ties. Réhubhedi, the destroyer, or literally the dissector, of Rahu, 
darkness, is Vishnu, alias Surya (the Sun), who has also the 
name of Réhuhd, the killer of Rahu. Its mythical origin is dis- 
tinctly acknowledged in astronomical works, in one of which we 
find :— 

“When the Rahu is perceptible by the eyes, it is called an eclipse.” 

In the Bhagavat Purana, Krishna, or Vishnu incarnate, in one of his 
miracles, is devoured by a great ophidian demon, in whose stomach 
he plays several tricks, and at last, getting out of it, exhibits the 
whole universe dancing on the tongue of the serpent (eternity), whom 
he afterwards overcomes (as creator). He is also described as break- 
ing the several heads of Kaliya, a Naga king of Romanak country, 
whom Krishna would have completely destroyed, had not some of 
his wives, who were Naga women, interfered. Garuda, the bird-god, 
is the vehicle of Vishnu, and though a step-brother to the Nagas, is 
their deadly enemy. 

In the Mahabharata, Parikshita, grandson of the Pandavas, 
is described to have defiled the body of a sage while in his 
meditation with a dead snake, whereupon the Muni’s son cursed 
him. ‘To carry out this malediction, Zukshaka, commonly identi- 
fied with the Gecko that makes a ‘‘ tak tak’? noise, and sometimes 
with the dragon-lizard, one of the great serpents, visited Parikshita, 
attired as a Brahman, and made the usual salutation, and blessed the 
king by offering him a small plum. No sooner held the king the 

1870. | The Vastu Yaga. 205 

proffered fruit to his nose, than a snake, the takshaka serpent, 
issued forth from it and stung him. The Raja fell a victim to the 
virulent venom of the snake. Janmejaya, his son, with a view to 
avenge the death of his father, instituted a Yajna, entitled sarpa- 
satra, the snake-sacrifice. The priests with their mantras poured 
purified g/z into the blazing altar, and snakes from all parts of the 
world, coming in millions, fell senseless into it, and were soon 
consumed. ‘The sacrifice went on till Takshaka’s turn came, and 
when the unswerving priest offered his ahitv (oblation of ghz) with a 
powerful mantra to Agni invoking Takshaka, the great serpent felt 
deeply the irresistible influence of the sacrificial fire. Yet unwilling 
to yield to it, and trembling at his approaching doom, he fled to 
the court of Indra. But the mantras of the sacred munis were even 
more potent than the lord of the immortals, and Takshaka was 
wrenched from his hiding-place. He hovered over the blazing 
flame, and was about to fall into it, when Astika, the offspring of 
the intermarriage between an Aryan and a Naga woman, a nephew 
of Vasuki, the serpent king, interfered. He begged of Jaumejaya 
to put a stop to the sacrifice, and thereby saved the serpent race. 
Both these stories, however, appear more like poetical versions of 
border warfare with antagonistic races, than pure myths. 

These stories regarding the Nagas and serpents are obviously 
mythical, and may be explained away by unravelling the allegories 
upon which they are based. In none does the true reptile, the snake, 
make its appearance. Nor is this remarkable, for the authors of 
S dstras have carefully separated the Ndgas and Sarpas, the ophidian 
race from true snakes. The Nagas are a class of demigods, some of 
whom at will assume the forms of men, but generally have the 
lower extremities of their body ending in a snake’s tail, while 
above the waist they are shaped like gods and men. In some 
cases, however, their heads are backed by hoods of serpents. But 
this form of the Naga, though frequently found in sculptured stones, 
appears to be a later representation. Hverywhere in the Purdnas, 
the Nagas speak like men, and have bodies like them. The Sarpas 
on the other hand are a family of reptiles not at all connected with 
the Nagas, and are in no Purana found to speak or act like men. 
Nor are they ever worshipped by the Brahmans, though a later 

206 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3, 

Upapurana, one of those interpolations, which has mixed the real 
with the unreal, and has complicated our meagre historical data, 
describes them as descendants of Nagas, much degenerated and 

In the whole cyclopedia of Hindu sacrifices and ceremonies, 
no sacrifice connected with Nagas or Sarpas, is more frequent- 
ly practised and with greater eclat than the Vastu Yaga. It is, 
indeed, considered a Vaidic rite, and without it no house, temple, or 
tank is fit for divine or human use. It is a ceremony that every 
Hindu has to perform, and without it none can inhabit a new 
house. Vastu is partly a Vaidic god. He is the tutelar deity of 
the house, and is regarded by the Hindu with a peculiar veneration ; 
for the homestead has a sanctity in his eyes which is not met with 
in other countries. To have the privilege of dwelling in the house 
of his forefathers is an object of pride with him, and the greatest 
misfortune that can happen toa Hindu is the loss of his domicile. 
Few things appear more dreadful than when an incensed bréhman 
pronounces the awful curse ‘‘ Let doves take possession of your 
Vastu” (domicile), and an enemy vows vengeance by threatening to 
sow sesamum in the Vastu bhité, or the site of the homestead, 
that is to say, to reduce the homestead to a field under the plough. 
Each Vastu, or domicile, is believed to have a representative snake, 
called the Vastu-Sarpa, which is regarded with great awe. If the 
Vastu-Sarpa is seen to abandon a house, it is an unlucky omen, and 
the perpetuity of the house, the continuity of the race or family, is 
believed to be endangered. 

The Vastu Yaga ceremony is performed in the manner described 
below. : 

Va’stu YAcAa.—On the morning of the day previously fixed for 
entering a new house, the owner performs the usual’ morning 
prayers and ablutions, and having thus purified himself, he 
presents pieces of gold to brahmans according to his means. A 
water-pot is filled with water, and on it are placed fruits, flowers, 
and mango leaves. It isdecorated by Brahmans with curd and 
rice, under the usual mantras. The owner then touches respect- 
fully the tail of a cow, crowns his head with garlands, anoints 
his person with sandal-wood paste, and places his lawful wife on his 

1870.] The Vastu Yaga. 207 

left bearing a ghata on her loins and a kula with grains on her 
head. Thus prepared, he enters his new house. The water-pot men- 
tioned above, is carried by a Brahman, who leads the procession. 

The Abhyudayika Sraddha and the pwd of the sixteen Mdtrikas 
with the ganadhipas is performed at a separate place. 

In the new house, the owner, having made the dchamana, com- 
mences the Vastu Yaga. 

It is begun with formally making a resolution (Sankalpa) to 
complete the rite, and for this purpose the Raddhati says :—‘ Let 
him sit on an Asana (carpet) or a mat of kusa grass with his face 
towards the east, and let him pronounce “ om tat sat’ ‘‘ om, to-day 
in the month of (here mention the lunar month), in the (here men- 
tion the bright or the dark fortnight,) on (here mention the 
number é¢hi or lunar day), I, of (here mention the family) family 
or gotra (here mention the name) with a view to avoid the defects 
and evils of this human habitation, perform the Vésta Yaga.” 
The Sankalpa hymn is then to be repeated. Let him next worship 
Vishnu and the nine planets, and let him next let drop the Vasy- 
dharas, of melted butter, against a wall so as to run ina given 
number of lines. The Ayushmya hymn is next repeated.’ 

The appointment of priests ( Varana) :—‘'The Brahmans, previ- 
ously selected for the performance of the sacrifices and ceremonies, 
have to be seated on carpets with their faces towards the north. 
The Yaamndnais to propitiate them with sandal paste. Let him 
then pronounce ‘‘Om. I am blessed. Om. On the occasion of this 
Vastu Yaga (enjoined by holy writ) do you, the respected three, 
pronounce ‘ Om Svastv’ om, blessed be the act.” 

The three priests respond “ Om Svastv.” 

The Yayamdna: ‘‘Om, on the occasion of this Vastu Yaga cere- 
mony, do you three pronounce om riddhim (om prosperity). 

The priests respond ‘‘om, may you prosper.” 

Let rice be scattered around by the Brahmans present with the 
mantras which commence with ‘‘ Om, Svasti no Indra viddhasrava, 
Svasti no Pusha visvaveda, Svasti, &e.” “ Om, may Indra, propagator 
of ceremonies, bless us; may Pusha, &c.’’ Then let the hymn “ Om 
Suryah somo yamah kilah, &c. ‘‘In the presence of the sun, the 
moon, death, time, twilight, bhutas (spirits), day, night, wind, 

208 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3, 

dikpati (gods of the ten cardinal points), earth, sky, inhabitants 
of the firmament (Aashara), and gods, as Brahma witnesses, I 

The Brahma or chief priest should be appointed first. 

Let the Yajamana, seated as before with joined palms, address 
the Brahma, ‘‘ Om, you are Sadhu (gentle,) be seated. 

Let the Brahma, reply ‘“‘Om! verily I am sadhu.” 

Yajaména :—Om, I will propitiate you. 

Brahma :—Om, do propitiate. 

Let the Yajamana then offer sandal wood paste, flowers, cloth, and 
ornaments to the Brahma, and let him next touch his right thigh 
and say, “Om, this day (as mentioned before) in my promised 
Vastu Ydga ceremony, I do hereby appoint you (state the name of 
the Brahma) of — family, of — pravara, worshipped with sandal 
wood &c., to perform the duties of a Brahma. 

Brahma :—‘‘ Om! I am appointed.” 

Yajamaéna :—Om ! perform the duties of a Brahma as directed (in 
the Sastras). 

Brahma :—‘“‘ Om, according to my knowledge I shall.” 

Should the Yajamana be not qualified to perform himself the 
homa, let him appoint a Brahman as a hotd, in the same way as the 
Brahm4 is appointed. Then let the Acharya, Tantradhdéraka, and 
Sadasya be appointed in order. 

The sacrificial altar, Veds, should be eight cubits long, and eight 
cubits broad, and one cubit high. It should be puritied by sprink- 
ling successively the urine of the cow with the Gédyatri mantra, 
cow-dung with the mantra which commences, ‘‘ Om Gandhadvaram 

? cow’s milk with that which commences ‘‘ om 

duradharshyam, &e.,’ 
Apyayasva, &c.,” curds with that which begins with “om dadhi 
kravno, &c.,”’ and lastly, ghi (clarified butter) with om teosi, &e., 
kusa grass and water should be sprinkled with ‘‘ om deva satva &c.” 
Then, let autumnal paddy, winter paddy, muga, wheat, mustard, 
sesamum, and barley be mixed with water and scattered on the 

The Vastu mandalais a square diagram of mysticimport. It is thus 
described in Vastu Proyogu :—“ Commencing from the north-eastern 
corner of it, at the four corners four sticks of khadira, Wimosa catechu, 

1870.] The Vastu Yaga. 209 

each 12 fingers long are to be nailed down with the following mantra: 
om Stsantu te tale naga, §c., ‘om, O you serpents, fast runners, pro- 
tectors of all animals, enter under this Vedi, and stay in this house, 
continually bestowing on me long life and strength.” By the sides 
of these sticks, with the following mantra, make offerings of mdsa 
“om Agnibhyo pyatha sarpebhyo. ‘‘Om to the Agnis, to the serpents, 
and to those others who are dependent on them, I offer this pure 
and excellent food.” 

Join the four pegs with strings each four cubits long and with 
these as sides describe a square. Divide this square into 64 smaller 
equal squares, and with fine coloured powders fill them in the man- 
ner described.” 

Here follow directions for filung up the squares, and the names 
of 45 nagas or serpents presiding over particular single squares 
or groups of them. 

Having invoked forty-five nagas or pitris on the squares, place by 
the side of the four pegs, four water-pots decorated with cloth, gar- 
lands, &c. On the south-eastern corner close by the water-pot invoke 
Viddérv on a black square. On the middle of the eastern side of the 
square, without it, invoke Skanda on a yellow square. On the south- 
ern Aryamana, red. On southwest near the water-pot Putand, 
black. On the west Jambhaka, black ; on north-west, Pdpa-rékshast 
black, on the north Pzli-pinja, black; on the north-east near the 
water-pot Charaki, black. 

The sacrifice.—On the ghata (water-pot) beyond the squares in- 
voke the nine Grahas (holders-planets) and worship them one after 
the other. Commencing from the east towards the four sides dis- 
tribute masa with the following mantras ‘‘om bhitani rakshasdvdpi, 
&c., om bhutis (spirits,) or rdkshasas (demons) whosoever dwell here 
may they all receive again this offering as I do my dwelling house.” 

Then with rice and flowers invoke Js’a; ‘‘om! Js’a, come hither. - 
This padya is given to Js’‘a, Om! This food is offered to Js’a, Om ! 
These three handfuls of flowers are offered to Js‘a.”’ 

Similarly let the following be invoked and worshipped in the 
several squares in order:—Paryanya, Jayanta, Sakra, Bhaskara, 
Satya, Bhrsa, Vyoma, Hutdsa, Pushana, Vitatha, Grhakshata, Vaiva- 
svata, or Yama, Gandharva, Brnga, Mrga, Pitrs, Davnvarika, Su- 


910 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3, 

griva, Pushpadanta, Varuna, Asura, S'esha, Papa, Roga, Naga, Visva- 
karma, Bhallata, Yajnesvara, Nagardja, S'’ri, Aditi, Apa, Apava- 
tsa, Aryamna, Soma, Vivasvata, Indra, Indratmaja, Mitra, Rudra, 
Rajayakshmana, Dharadhara, Brahman, Shanda, Vidart, Putana, 
Jambhaka, Paparakshast, Pilipinja, Charaka. 

In the square for Brahman, Vasudeva is to be invoked and 
worshipped with sixteen wpacharas, or articles of worship. There 
also Lakshmi and Vasudevaganas, are to be worshipped. In the 
same square with the same kinds of offerings Dhara (earth) 
is likewise to be worshipped with the following. Om sar- 
valoka dharam, &c. ‘‘Om, supporter of all creation, female figured, 
well ornamented, be propitiated.” In the four squares of Brah- 
mé is tobe seattered rice, and thereon a new strong water-pot 
filled with water is to be placed, and into it gold and silver pieces 
and Sarvoushadhi are to be dropped, and the whole covered with a 
Vardhani. In this water-pot, the four-headed deity, Brahma, should 
be invoked and worshipped with sixteen kinds of offerings, wyacharas. 
Towards the north-eastern corner of this water-pot, another pot 
full of pure water into which have been put the five ratnas (jewels) 
and gold and silver pieces is to be placed and, tying round its neck 
a pair of new clothes, a garland, twigs of Asvatha, (the religious fig) 
vata (the banian), mango, plaksha (the vulgar fig) and Udumbara 
(the sacrificial fig) trees. Placing upon these a dish filled with 
barley, the priest should recite the mantra ‘‘ Ajighra Kalasam, &c.” 
also the imvocation, Varuna, the water-god, om Varunasyotham- 
bhanamas't &e. 

Then follows the invocation of the holy places ‘‘om Gangddya 
Saritah, &e.” Om, all the rivers beginning with Ganga, oceans 
and seas, all rivers, all oceans, all seas and all lakes, destroyers 
of ill-luck of Yajamana, come hither.” Then are to be dropped 

-into the water-pot various kinds of earth, such as earth from stables, 
from where elephants live, from ant-hills, from the confluence 
of rivers, from the banks of a lake, from the fields where cattle 
graze, and from the ruts of chariot-wheels, also water from sacred 
places, and sarvoushadi and durvé grass. 

On the west of this water-pot, according to the rules of his own 
Grihyasutra, let the owner or his representative Hota establish the 

1870. ] The Vastu Yaga. 211 

fire (sacrificial) and repeat Virupdksha hymn and make Kushan- 

Having finished the Hushandika, Agni under the name of Prajdpati, 
should be worshipped according to the rules of Aditya Purdna “ Om 
pingabhru, &e.”” “Om! brown-browed, brown-bearded, brown-haired 
and brown-eyed, high-featured, red-stomached, seated on a goat, 
seed-wreathed Agni, you are powerful.” Then are to be offered 
one hundred and eight oblations or adhutis to Brahma with a mixture 
of honey, ght, sesamum, and barley. And next, ten offerings should 
be made to each of the worshipped gods. 

The Vilvapanchaka homa, or five offerings, with the leaves of the tree 
Marmeloseeglops has then to be performed. ‘The five hymns for the 
purpose have Visvaémitra for their rishi; they are in Jagati metre, 
their god is Vastu, their use lies in the propitiation of Vastu. 
“ Om Vastosphté prati, &c.” 

Then with ghi alone, ‘“‘Om Agnaye, Se. svdhéd. Om to Agni, the 
originator and supporter of Sacrifices, this is given to Agni.” 
After the principal sacrifice and the Mahdavyahrti homa are over, 
the tushni samit has to be offered without any mantras. Then 
follow the prdyaschitta homa, the chanting of the Vdmadevya 
hymn, and taking a handful of curd, repeat the following, ‘‘ Om 
Yajnam Gachchha, &e.”? Om, the sacrifice be ended, &. Finally 
the fire is to be extinguished with curd. 

This is to be followed by offering to the Vastu gods rice boiled with 
milk with the mantra ‘ esha payasa vali om Is’4ya namah,’ and so on. 
‘“« This offering of milk and rice to Is’a, and so on, to other Vastu 

Then uttering Svasti perform S’dntv. 

Om in the S’anti work, om, do you three pronounce, ‘‘ I am bless- 
ed.” ‘The following are the directions for the performance of the _ 
ceremony of S’anti. 

Let the priest sprinkle on the Yajam4na, seated with his sons 
and family facing east, water from the 8’4nti-ghata with the mantra, 
“Om, Surastvamabhi sinchantu, &e. Om, may the gods purify you 
with water; may Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesvara, Vasudeva, 
Jagannatha as well as Sankarshana purify you. May Pradyumna 
and Aniruddha give you victory. May Akhandala, Agni, Yama, 

212 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3, 

Nairta and Varuna Pavan Cuvera and Siva and Sesha with 
brahmans and dikpalas ever purify you. May all the assem- 
bled gods bless you with reputation and fame, wealth, me- 
mory, reasoning, health, veneration and mercy, ingenuity, modesty, 
bodily comfort, quietude, and loveliness. May the planets, the sun, 
the moon, Mercury, Mars, Jupiter, Venus, and Saturn, all the 
planets, together with Rahu and Ketu propitiated, purify you. May 
devas, danavas, gandharvas, yakshas, rakshas, serpents, rishis, 
munis, cows, devamatis also deva-patnis, adhvraas, snakes, daityas 
and apsaras, weapons, all S’astras, rajas and carriers and medicines, 
jewels and the degrees of time, lakes, seas, mountains, holy places, 
clouds, rivers, prepare you towards the attainment of piety, 
desires and wealth! Om, Svast.” 

The Vastu yaga, described above, is evidently a sacrifice invented 
by the ancient Aryan conquerors with a view to propitiate the 
aborigines or primeval owners of the land. Such a practice is not 
uncommon in Hindu theosophy. Everything that has a place im 
a ceremony, is worshipped or propitiated. The earth is pacified 
before lighting up a sacrificial fire, and is appeased after the homa 
is over. ‘The tree from which faggots are collected is worshipped, 
and is propitiated by mantras. The sacrificial goat even is first ad- 
dressed with a proper prayer to the effect ‘‘ that beasts were created 
by Brahma for sacrifice, and killing in a Yajna is therefore no killing 
Gicice aH Fassee | ).”” Again, “ Indra, Soma, and other gods, for the 
sake of sacrifice became beasts and so forth.’ Indeed, without a pre- 
liminary archanz (worship), no offering is deemed fit for presentation 
and no god is prepared to receive any without it. The Vetdlas and 
Pisichas (the gods of the aborigines) are first propitiated, they have 
the precedence in all ceremonies. In days of yore, such ceremonies 
were very frequently interrupted by the dasyus and daityas, and 
the holy sages who celebrated them, were often obliged to ask for 
assistance from princes and warriors for protecting them against 
such depredations. In the Ramayana, Visvamitra carries with him 
young Ramachandra and Lakshmana to protect his sacrifice. In the 
performance of a sraddha, the first offering is made to the Bhusvémt, 
the lord of the soil, and the Smirtis teach us that it is not lawful 
to perform any ceremony on another man’s soil without satisfying 

1870. ] The Vastu Yaga. 218 

his claims, and though rajas and owners of their own houses perform 
the sraddha on their own land, they have still to make offerings 
to Vastu Purusha, which we fancy represents the aboriginal owners 
of the country. The modern expounders it is true identify the Vastu 
Purusha and the Bhusvami with Vishnu, but as a separate plate is 
always offered along with it to Vishnu, neither Bhusvami nor Vastu 
Purusha can mean anything else, but what it literally says, unless 
it be a typical offering to the sovereign of the country. 

In the Vastw Yaga, one of the oldest ceremonies of the Aryans, 
Vastu is the principal god, and though the aborigines themselves 
are not worshipped by name, the Naga is no doubt the ostensible 
object of worship. The several gods, properly pitrs, (ancestors,) 
manes, former owners, that occupy the several mandalas, are 
also the names of Nagas. The Vastu is the god Earth, quite dis- 
tinct from Dhara, the mother-earth (terra), and in the prayer he is 
represented as the supporter of the world. 

ws EAT Sa: ws aay SAL | 
waaay fava ages AAT a Il 
All the gods are pervaded by Vdstu, Vastu pervades the creation; he is 
the supporter of the earth. Salutation be unto you, O Vastudeva ! 
Jt is remarkable that nowhere in the Purdnie or Tintrie cosmo- 
gony, is Vastu named as distinct from Sesha, or the primal snake 
(Saatgat, eternity). 

waa fe ay aeure aes: aa WH TAT a: Il 

The supporter of the universe is air, above which is the atlas-tortoise (colos- 
sochelys atlas P ) upon which rests the Sesha, and upon it the earth, 

The Vastu Yaga therefore, appears to be a memorial of the foun- 
dation of the new Aryan home and of the Nagas, a race of powerful 
aborigines of India. Their name is connected with the several 
vegetable products of the soil, which the first Aryan settlers soon 
found to be useful and worthy of preservation. Thus— 

Ndgapasa, or the lasso, a weapon of the Nagas ; Migavandhu the re- 
ligious fig tree (Ficus religiosa), the friendly shelter of the Nagas ; 
Nagarenu, Nagaja, and Naga Sambhava for vermillion, litharge, and ga- 
jena, all probably first mined by the Nagas ; Naga pushpika, the golden 
Jasmine (Jasminum fruticans) ; Naga Kesara, the Mesua ferrea flower ; 

214 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3, 

Naga pushpa, Calophyllum inophyllum, Naga Valli, the betel-leaf 
plant (Piper betle), Nagaphala (Trichosanthes dieca). Words bear- 
ing ample evidence not only of the Naga origin of the things 
they indicate, but of the Naga influence on the Aryan settlers. 
The word Naga is also used for an elephant, for lead, and for tin. 
Even as the word Uzbak was a term of abuse with the Mogul 
emperors of Delhi, so was Wagabit among the Aryan, meaning the 
veriest rascal. 

In the Vastu Yaga for consecrating a tank, a long pole is sunk in 
the centre of the new excavation, and this pole in Sanscrit is aga 
yashtt, or the Naga pole. In course of the ceremony, several Nagas 
presiding over the several quarters of the mandalas, are worshipped, 
and though in later times, the practice of throwing golden images of 
serpents, frogs, and tortoises, in a freshly excavated tank is observed, 
the Naga yashti cannot be said to have any connection with reptiles 
or snakes. The application of the term Naga to the reptile class, is 
probably due to the fact of the aborigines living in a wild jungly 
country, infested by snakes, having been snake-charmers, and great 
adepts in handling and killing such reptiles ; a figure of metonomy, 
confounding the Naga aborigines with the Naga serpents. 

Ananta is worshipped on certain days of the year, and if Ananta 
were a reptile and not an allegorical myth of eternity and the creator, 
we should have had all over India, idols of serpents like those of 
other gods. In no place, however, have we observed an idol of a 
serpent, made and worshipped, unless as an appendix to idols of 
some other more important gods, though Manasa and Nagas are 
common in our ceremonies. Ananta chaturdasi is a common cere- 
mony. Itis performed for fourteen years, and after the completion 
of the period, the devotee ties round his right arm a cotton string 
made of fourteen threads having fourteen knots. The ceremony is 
specially serpentine in its name and forms of worship, but nowhere 
does the actual reptile appear. Ananta is worshipped as Vishnu, 
and the cord round the arm, promises perpetual enjoyment of hea- 
venly bliss. 

Naga panchami is an auspicious day for the worship of the Nagas. 
On the occasion, Manasa is worshipped in the Luphordia plant. This 
is an instance of tree-worship connected with serpents. It may 

1870. ] The Vastu Yaga. 215 

properly be called a case of reptile worship. But though the Hin- 
du propitiates Manasa with a view to be saved from snake-bites 
during the next twelve months, on no account whatever does he 
worship idols of snakes. Here it may be noted that Ananta is 
classed among the great snakes. The Sastra runs thus—~ 

Gi WANS eT GU TeRl Weatys | 

ysrsarrare at qeifserdterat l 

Waata aa WaT ea: aqatant | 

qaagmted Te satigie gaat | 

eat as aqal FT AT SUM aATT ATA t 

Wyatt qa Sa Tara ATTA eTCATA Ul 


After Vishnu has gone to sleep on the fifth lunar day of the dark fortnight, 
let the goddess Manasa abiding in the milky-juice tree be worshipped. After 
Vishnu has retired, and all the other gods on the fifth wane the Pannagi 
(she-serpent) awakes. One who worships the Devi and makes obeisance to 
her, and on the fifth day makes offerings to the Nagas, commencing with Ananta, 
one of the great serpents, has never to fear from snakes. Devi Purana. 

The several Nagas mentioned to be worshipped are: Ananta, 
Vasuki, Padma, S’ankha, Kamvala, Karkotaka, Dhrtardshtra, San- 
khaka, Kaliya, Takshaka, &c.* 

Of these the first eight serpents serve for the consecration of a 
tank. Their names are inscribed on mango leaves, and these are put 

* gan agra va We aaa | I 
ala qaaaa ford ata ate a 
qanatad aay Lea Tes AST II 
qrefaaaaaa ATA AMAZE: | 
qaaacaaty aa fae war Aa: |I 
HAC AHS: WHT Wer AT salfaat: 

216 The Vastu Yaqgu. [No. 3, 

in a pot full of water. A boy is made to draw one out, and the name 
that is drawn out first becomes the presiding deity of the tank. In 
other words, the Naga aborigines being propitiated are entrusted 
with the protection of the tank. The protecting Naga is then to be 
well fed.* 

This was no doubt an ingenious method of meeting the difficulty, 
when several Nagas presented themselves as candidates for the 

The Naga-yashti or the Naga flag-post, or the rod as it were of 
the guardian Naga, is to be made of one of the following trees 
common in the Naga hills. <A piece straight and free from crooked 
knots is preferred. 

quai area ea gaat STs ae | 
qq qua Taeqyqara witext || 

The trees recommended are: Bamboo, Varuna, the Punnaga, 
Messua ferrea, Mimusops elenchi, Azaddirachta indica, and Acacia 

The Naga, it appears, has to plant the post on the banks of the 
tank, so that no other Naga may come and interfere. The Waga yashtt, 
or Puli kétha, is now made upwards of 30 feet long, and is driven 
into the ground at the geometrical centre of the tank. But such 
practices, denoting a forgetfulness of the original motives, are not 
at all rare among the Hindus. 

The Das'ahara is a festival in honour of the monsoons and the 
first freshes in the river. It is, according to Hindu mythology, the 
anniversary of the day when Bhagiratha, an ancestor of Rdma- 

* armrarazaraita fafaaita va sag | 
aa: aw y fafag aaa a frees i 
Bata Wana ass AMATI | 
FY MAAC Fa Fa HeArhay: Wa: | 
ae Wey TAY SATA aS | 

atre: | 

Having inscribed the names of the eight Nagas on separate leaves, drop them 
into a pot filled with water, and raftle them with the Gdyatri mantra. On 
taking out one leaf, the name of the (presiding) Naga appears. The Naga 
whose name is taken out by the boy, is the guardian of the tauk. Worship the 
said Naga with Chandana, &ec., and give him milk and rice boiled in milk, 

1870. | The Vastu Yaga. 217 

chandra, brought down the river Ganges from the heavens. On 
the same day, the goddess Manasa is also worshipped in the Zu- 
phorbia plant; and bits of green lime, uchchhe (Momordica charantia), 
and jack fruit are swallowed as safeguards against the venom of 
snakes. Another mythical specific for the same is a compound of 
lentils and nim ( Azardirachta indica) leaves.* 

A remarkable myth connected with the Nagas, is the bestowal 
‘of the art of music by Sarasvati upon Kamvala and Asvatara nagas 
mentioned in the Wirkandeya Purdna.+ 

This imphes a toleration of the aborigines quite inconsistent with 
the feeling of hatred, disgust and animosity which prevailed amongst 
the first Aryan settlers, and which is so pointedly displayed in the 
Rig-Veda, and can only be accounted for on the supposition that in 
course of time the two races were reconciled and came to a compro- 
mise. The Aryans remained engaged in intellectual occupations and 
religious worship, while such works as tilling the soil, tending the 
cattle, dancing, singing, and playing on the lute, &c., were left to the 
more intelligent of the aborigines. And though the invention of a 

* Q OS = > A 
* aart faeqqarat atvasaa cart 
afq tuifaaay aaa: fa atcafa 1 
aaurgarate: | 

He who eats lentils with Nim leaves when the sun enters Aries, what can 
even the enraged Takshaka do to him ? 

Wqtad ve are fasart wa za! 
ata wa aan aid wat ed agqfad 
VA QIAMeIA Nad TAN BlIcy” Faq i 
agus wal ea Wag: aay TI! 
Through my favour you, noble chief of serpents, (bhujagendrapara) shall learn 
the four kinds of feet, the three kinds of measures of time, the three harmonies, 
the pause, as also, &., &c., given by me, from my favour, you noble chief of 
serpents, shall also learn in connexion with these, the distinction between 

vowels and consonants. All these have been imparted by me to you and 
to Kamvala, in a manner, the like of which none had before either on earth 

or in the lower region. 

218 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3, 

tune or the fitting a new song to a tune, were exclusively the work 
of the Aryans, the actual art was entrusted to the Nagas. The myth 
represents Sarasvati imparting the art of music to the Nagas, who 
excelled in its practise both Aryan and non-Aryan performers. 
According to the Purdnas, the Nagas, the gandharvas, the apsaras, 
and the dvanaras were the dancers and songsters in ancient India. 

The name of a good man is always considered a good omen, and 
one of the morning duties of the Hindus is to pronounce the names 
of the most eminent of their historical personages, Among these 
we find the name of Karkotaka, one of the principal Nagas. It 
may be said that the name of a Naga is enjoined to be uttered with 
a view to propitiate him ; yet when it is associated with such names 
as Wala and Damayantt, the inference is inevitable that the person 
named was held in great estimation for some merit or other ; 
possibly it was the name of a person who had acted in a friendly 
manner to the Aryans. 

sfudt qa HaATSa BTS | 

Having bowed to the earth, let Karkotaka be remembered. 

If the above be at all ambiguous as to the use of the name of this 
Naga, the following from the Mahabhérata is at once positive and 

wz Use aire Aaa 

The uttering of the names of Karkotaka Naga, of Damayanti, of Nala, and of 
Rituparna, the hermit Prince, destroys all sin. 

From what we have stated above, we are led to believe, that 
serpent-worship in the true seuse of a creature worship, was never 
prevalent in India, though the Hindus entertain a kind of respect 
for the allegorical characters Ananta and Vasuki. This worship 
may in the present day be seen practised under peculiar circum- 
stances by several hill tribes, but it must be admitted that such a 
practice does not obtain among the Aryans. The serpent, as an 
emblem of eternity, may be respected; but then it is the worship of 
Vishnu, the eternal creating principle, it is the emblem, the form, 
rather the curve of the serpent and not the reptile. Serpents have 
erept into our mythological legends; but in whatever form they 
come, they were openly put down as enemies of Vishnu. The cow 

1870.] The Vastu Yaga. 219 

as the giver of milk from which ghz is made, is respected and tended 
with care, not because she is the true goddess Bhagavati (goddess 
of prosperity), but because she confers so many benefits on the 
Hindus. In the month of Vaisdkha, the hottest month in the 
year, the cow is worshipped every morning, if we may so call the 
practice of careful tending. The matron of the house fans the 
cow, anoints her hoofs and horns with oil and turmeric, gives her 
tender heads of grass and fruits and vegetables. With a napkin 
her hoofs are cleaned. Some have gone so far as to raise the dust 
of the hoof to their own heads. 

If figures of Nagas occur in sculptured stones, they are sometimes 
mere ornaments, serving the purpose of a twisted cord, a cornice, or 
a frieze, or forming when hooded the best fanciful supports of thick 
architraves or bases of pillars, more beautiful perhaps than horses, 
lions, and elephants, subjects equally common, but of more difficult 
execution. In nature, what can be deserving of greater admiration 
than the graceful undulations, curves, and attitudes of a hooded 
snake standing erect when enraged. If serpents at one or two 
places appear as receivers of homage and respect, they are then in- 
variably represented with human faces, and as such, they are no- 
thing but allegorical representations of the aborigines, whose nether 
parts were coils of snakes— 

“The one seem’d woman to the waist, and fair, 
But ended foul in many a scaly fold 
Voluminous and vast; a serpent arm’d with mortal sting.” 

Or they are mere fanciful figures, as the dragons, &c., of medie- 
val Christianity. Their occurrence in architectural ornamentation 
does not lead us to a belief that they were ever objects worshipped ; 
they are what Caryatides were to Greek architecture. 

Crocodiles, frogs, monkeys, parrots, and various other birds and 
animals occur in the architectural remains of India, and with the 
ludicrous scenes describing the pranks of these animals and birds 
oceur several scenes in which these are represented as adored. Ne- 
vertheless no Hindu ever worships a crocodile or a frog. The 
hanumén, a monkey with black face and hands, is an object 
of worship in the North-Western Provinces; but this monkey 
represents the Mahavira (the great hero), the allegorical personifi- 

220 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3, 

cation of brutal force. In vulgar superstition the mouse is the 
carrier of Ganes’a, the peacock of Kartika, the owl of Lakshmi, and 
so on, but the Hindu has never been seen to worship any of these as 
animals, though they are respected on account of their deities. 
Again, if a Naga appear in a dream, the person is said to be soon 
blessed with numerous children, a myth apparently connected with 
the aborigines of the soil, and their influence is still to be seen in 
the surname of a family of the lower order of Adyasthas of Bengal. 
It is remarkable also that this Naga family has Vaswkt for its 

It is interesting to note how advantage has been taken of the 
spectacle mark on the hood of the coluber nya (the Cobra de 
Capello) and the myth about the foot mark of Krishna interwoven 
with it. 

Kaliya, a Naga prince of Romanaka, used to live in a tank in 
Vrindévana, and Krishna on one occasion broke its several heads, 
and would have destroyed him altogether when his two wives in- 
terfered. The Naga was let loose and was ordered to return to his 
country. Butas he was afraid of Garuda, the carrier eagle of 
Vishnu, he prayed that he might be saved from the attacks of the 
bird. Krishna then assured him that he and his tribes bear- 
ing Krishna’s foot-mark should be exempted from the attacks of 

Of tree worship, if worship itis to be called, as it amounts to little 
more than a recognition of benefits received, many instances may 
be quoted in addition to what has been adduced by Mr. Fergusson. 
In acountry like India, anything that offers a cool shelter from the 
burning rays of the sun, is regarded with a feeling of grateful re- 
spect. The wide-spreading banyan tree is planted and nursed with 
care, only because it offers a shelter to many a weary traveller. 
Extreme usefulness of the thing is the only motive perceivable, 
in the careful rearing of other trees. They are protected by 
religious injunctions, and the planting of them is encouraged by 
promises of eternal bliss in the future world. The injunction 

‘waewiqes vue eeaea | fatageantsa 7] 
fates il 

1870. ] The Vastu Yaga. 221 

against injuring a banyan or a fig tree is so strict, that in the Ra- 
mayana even Ravana, an unbeliever, is made to say, ‘I have not 
cut down any fig-tree in the month of Vaisakha, why then does the 
calamity (alluding to the several defeats his army sustained in the 
war with Ramachandra and to the loss of his sons and brother) 
befall me ?” 

The medicinal properties of many plants soon attracted notice, 
and were cultivated with much care. With the illiterate, the medi- 
cinal virtues of a drug are increased with its scarcity; and to 
enhance its value, it was soon associated with difficulties, and to 
keep it secret from public knowledge, it was culled in the dark and 
witching hours of night. 

Trees have frequently been identified with gods: thus in the 
Padma Purana, the religious fig-tree is an incarnation of Vishnu, 
the Indian fig-tree (Z. 7ndica) of Rudra, and the Palisa (Butea 
frondosa, Roxb.) of Brahma.* 

In the Varaha Purana, the planter of a group of trees of a particu- 
lar species is promised heavenly bliss, and it is needless to point 
out that from the names of the trees recommended, the extreme 
utility of the act must be acknowledged. ‘Thus it is said, ‘“ he 
never goes to hell who plants an as’vatha, or a pichumarda, or a 
banian, or ten jessamines, or two pomegranates, a panchdmra, ov five 

The Tithitatva gives a slightly different list, substituting two 
champakas, three kes’ara, seven tala-palms, and nine cocoanuts, 
instead of the banian, the jessamines, the pomegranates, and the 

* SaasaT Haare Fas TVA | 
} waate frqweta Baa SMT ASTAT: | 
aq aa aieanigea waraaat aca a arta | 

t wae wa: frqae var ar sear Shey aeccr fe 
Bay ATS AA ACHAT TAU Ata 7 BIta | 
fataaaa | 

222 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3, 

As early as the Ramayana, the planting of a group of trees was 
held meritorious. The celebrated Panchavati garden where Sita was 
imprisoned, has been reproduced by many a religious Hindu, and 
should any of them not have sufficient space to cultivate the 
five trees, the custom is to plant them in a small pot where they 
are dwarfed into small shrubs. Such substitutes and make-shifts 
are not at all uncommon in the ecclesiastical history of India. In 
Buddhist India, millions of miniature stone and clay temples, some 
of them not higher than two inches, were often dedicated when more 
substantial structures were not possible. The Panchavati consists of 
the as’vatha planted on the east side, the vilva or Algle marmelos 
on the north, the banian on the west, the Lmblica officinalis on the 
south and the asoka on the south-east.* 

The Skanda Purana recommends a vilva in the centre and four 
others on four sides; four banians in four corners, twenty-five 
asokas in a circle, with a myrobalan, on one side, as the constituents 
of a great punchavati.+ 

Superstition has always been active in drawing nice distinctions 
between the auspicious and the inauspicious, and it is curious to 
observe how the auspicious qualities of some plants have been 
extolled. Some are considered auspicious when planted near a 
dwelling house. : 

No tree with fruits or blossoms can be cut down, as the following 
sloka threatens the cutter with the destruction of his family and 

* gyafaaewy aural waurna | 
qeraataya wird wy fea Il 
wae wrase ty TaeaacaTaa | 
qe afgaun gq ut efauaaat 
wa afefen Brey age Bate | 

} fawed wat wgfeq wae | 
qced Fel Feds Il 
Ba aqua wataufautiad | 
feafafourmmaiaa waa rae II 
qaag dies sea TaaSl waa! 


1870. | The Vastu Yaga. 223 

qelead qustay vazfag wad II 
BTqTTUe | 

Therefore never cut down any tree that bears good flowers or fruits, if you 
desire the increase of your family, of your wealth and of your future happiness. 

Superstition has associated supernatural properties with many 
plants, and several have been identified with the gods. 

The durvd, a kind of grass very common in all parts of India, 
is excellent fodder for cattle. It is an essential article in the 
worship of all gods. It is said to have originated from the thigh of 

The religious fig tree makes one rich, the Jonesia Asoka destroys 
all sorrow, the Ficus venosa is said to be useful in sacrifices, 
and the Nim gives much happiness. Syzygium Jambolanum, pro- 
mises heavenly bliss, and the pomegranate a good wife. Ticus 
glomerata cures diseases, and Butea frondosa gives the protection 
of Brahma. The Calotropis gigantea is useful as it pleases the sun 
every day, the bel-tree pleases Siva, and the Pédtalé pleases Parvati. 
The Apsaras are pleased with Bumbax malabariewm, and the Gandhar- 
vas with Jasminum, the Terminalia chebula increases the number of 
servants, and the IMmusops elenchi gives maid-servants. The Tél is 
injurious to children, and the Jimusops elenchi productive of 
large families. The cocoa-nut gives many wives, and the vine 
gives a beautiful body; the Cordia latifolia increases desires, and the 
Pandanus odoratissimum destroys all.* 

SHA ATHST ITA WATT aifemt aa | 
BRIT Sraarer frei qafearHc: | 
fRaTaTHVETa: Ge TaaTaT | 
fata craeigagerereear Il 
THAIST AA HA Aa Taarrfacat i 


224 The Vastu Yaga. [ No. 3, 

The tamarind tree is considered most inauspicious, and, according 
to the Vaidya Sastras, is very injurious to health. The Carica 
papeya plant is more so. Though an introduced plant, the natives 
were early acquainted with the injurious influence of the exhala- 
tions from the leaves of the plant. The Sunflower, Helianthus, 
is supposed to emit gases that destroy miasma. 

There is no department of Hindu literature in which the hyper- 
bole has not an important part. The Haritaki, one of the myrobalans, 
is so much valued, that in the following sloka it is said to be more 
invigorating than the milk of a mother. 

wclaeal Uses Crerel ards Cearaiew | 
wertan ataat ara ATSC STTATAT II 

Prince, eat Haritaki: it is as beneficial as the mother, the mother may occa- 
sionally get annoyed, but never the swallowed Haritaki. 

The following trees are said to have peculiar virtues. 

ware se: ga ferwrat araarfea | 

SACI! Brey san Tye: WH: Il 

aeginta seat farttazatesa | 


aa wife ssreite Rafe WAS TET | 

a facqrafe araaqraant Va Qa I 


Sifsaitqgeistal Ga FIHAST | 
auittauaeaieaneentay Madea vat feaeraatta ti 

wa j 

The Indian fig tree, if on the east side of a house, is always auspicious ; so 
also is the Udumvara tree if on the west, and the pipul if on the south, &e, 

The following are supposed to have a peculiar influence on parti- 
cular spots. 

Brae Aaay WieAY WAI | 
fafate Talat TF GIES: Il 
Caeeaga fant erexeaI II 
WAISY Way carci fawray | 
Treg aaa TCI Il 

1870.] The Vistu Yéga. 225 

The cocoa-nut tree near the dwelling-house confers wealth on the family, 
and if on the east or north-east of an encampment, the tree is the donor’ of 
sons. The mango tree, the best of trees, is auspicious at every place, and 
if situated on the east, gives wealth to men. The Bel tree, the jack tree, 
and the citron tree, and the plum tree, are in all situations conducive to pro- 

The Durvdashtami is one of the many vratas observed by Hindu 
females. It is celebrated on the eighth lunar day of the bright 
fortnight of the month of Bhadra. 

Tat were afta waren warty: | 
Sat ard awe wearart fied ysra | 
weaee a Aa: way wa: TATE | | 

On the day fixed for worshipping Durvé, a fast is observed, and 
Durva, Gauri, Ganesa, and Siva, are worshipped with rice, fruits, 
and flowers. 

Durva is described as 

aeaecea aseatacrwat | 
faweergat qaraacta fare a; \ 
aqessatt FaraAcr fawafaey | 
fesauradardt Baa RAATSet Il 
Dark as the petals of a blue lotus, held on the heads of all gods, pure, born 

from the body of Vishnu, anointed with nectar, free from all sickness, immor- 
tal, incarnation of Vishnu, and giver of good children and virtue, wealth and 

A thread, with eight knots, and fruits, &c., are presented to 
Duryé, and the following prayer is then read : 

a Pascaaraita yisrarta Gee | 
Bang wate Sa WATIAT V7 Il 
aa wear wrafufegafa wets | 

Durv4, you are called immortal, and you are worshipped both by gods and 
asuras. Having blessed us with prosperity and children, fulfil all our wishes. 
As you extend over the earth with your suckers and branches, in the same 
way give me healthy and immortal children, 


226 The Vastu Yaga. [No. 3, 

After the usual puja, the thread with eight knots is tied on the 
left arm and the worshipper listens to the legend of Durva repeat- 
ed by the officiating priest. 


frat qesigrat frweaet fart i 
waa Wa Fag Sraryrataaifa g | 
wafatwafa arta Srataata aeat | 
GAIA War Far Teg Vlcawge | 
waa VHAAT TAT frmatgyar i 

ae waft frye afaarzraqne | 

When the Kshiroda ocean was churned for nectar, Vishnu had with his arms 
and thighs held the Mandar hill, and the forcible rotation of the hill shed some 
hair off his body. 

These were carried by the waves to the other bank and became pure green 
Durvé. Thus originated Durva from the body of Vishnu, and upon Durva, the 
excellent nectar, generated from the churning of the ocean, was placed. 

The Asokdéshtami, the Arunodaya Saptami, and the Madanotsava 
are three other vratas in which trees are worshipped. 

From the Sakrotthana, the rising of Indra after the new moon pre- 
ceding the Durga puja, the whole fortnight is devoted to one or 
other form of tree-worship. 

Asokashtami is observed on the eighth day of the bright fort- 
night of Chaitra. Hight blossoms of Jonesia asoka in water are 
drunk, with the following mantra: 

*faqifa VIRIMA AAR TAH Il 
In the Bhavishya Purana, the vrata of Arunodaya Saptami is 

* saraaternt Vat & fafa qaaet | 
aa wife feat + Racy a 
+ aarecaaife wnaqaite a face Fras | 
Qgaaad Wd Wal Vas WAT | 
aa UTy WARY WAC VY Taat Il 
wurprafun are <yreifenges tt 

1870. ] The Vastu Vagus 227 

In the month of Chaitra on the thirteenth lunar day, the Mada- 
notsava is celebrated and the Asoka tree is worshipped. 

But the most important instance of tree worship is the Durgd4- 
puja. Although the festival is.a rejoicing at the promising crops 
in the field, and although it may be traced to the solar myth and 
Usha or dawn worship, it is undoubtedly one of the most extensive 
festivals of tree-worship. 

Along with the goddess Durgé, the Nava patrict or the nine 
leaves are worshipped. The nine are re 

Tal Hal Scat we Sua fawarfeat | 

On the morning of the first day of the puj4, nine branches with 
leaves are tied together with a plant of |gutstat, (Chtoria ternata, 
alba) and* a twig of the fax bearing a pair of fruits with suitable 

ae SF Hrene arly way WTsAAT I 
arog | 

* The following mantras are repeated before cutting the twig. 

aeaacaateaat at fact | 

Bit: Maes oe Breyarar: ser Tra: | 

FMSRas Bia: Bae BAParaaa: | 


ai faseaasram var & wei | 


WBBSTSs GS A TAY Bar sa | 

saelar erat yar gufategia: i 

feareataaaa qraeteataae | 

frafetravss feseg aare 4 4 

a fe aswarata waa: wet faa 

vara qateans: ver fag sae a il 

Sriphala tree, you are born on the mountain Mandar, Meru Kailasa and at 
the top of the Himavat, you are always a favourite of Ambica, Born on the 
top of the Sri hill Sriphala! You are the resting-place of prosperity, I take 
you away to worship you as Durga herself. 

Om Vilva tree, most prosperous, always a favourite of Sankara, I worship 
the devi, having taken away your branch. O Lord, you must not mind the 
pain generated by the separation of your branch, for it is said the gods have 
worshipped Durga, having taken away your branch, I bow tothe Vilva tree 
born on the Himalaya mountain, favourite of Parvati and embraced by Siva. 
You are auspicious in action and a favourite of Bhagavati; for the sake of Bha. 
vani’s words, give me ull success, 

228 Lhe Vastu Yaga. [No. 3, 

mantras, is stuck into the bundle. The bundle is then anointed with 
various cosmetics and aromatic drugs and oils, and is placed by the 
side of the idols.* The several plants are then separately invoked, 
and the goddesses presiding over each, are worshipped. Brahmani 
is the goddess of the Musa paradisaica, Kalika of the Colocasia 
antiquorum, Durga of the C  cuma longa, Kartiki of Sesbania Cefyp- 
tiaca, Siva of Atgle marmelos, Raktadantiké of Punica granatum 
Sokarahita of Jonesta asoka, Chamundé of Colocasia indica, and 
Lakshmi of Oryza sativa. 
The following are the mantras for worshipping them : 
Si curteers) 3 TO) Te | 
Bi =a afa aa Uayrae A | 
qweqw waa wisi He THT, F 
Si aayfyeray artears aH: | 
at afenigcyay RAAAT GA | 
aa STASI 1g qmarta SUIT i 

* With the following mantras the nine plants are anointed with water. 
Si aeataedents Faw eaweisy | 
aaa aaa dG aaa Bearaea i 
Oi ats & waceaita var fafase fata | 
Saeay aay Gast asa He ti 
ai efcx ereata wete fra ver | 
azurifa efa & waist Tae a 1 
ai wat saqeuita saat saaifc(e | 
MIMS Cla SF wy Ste WE HA Il 
gi aaeaattaaaita ver fasrrasa: | 
efe & (eaanrary aa Wa BAST II 
ai <ifequtaarargy aay wer Ufa | 
fafaat wearer Tate a Schys i 
ot fgti Wa var Sa BH WrHsihe wT | 
aan @ Ufsreat Za fact Ha Wasa q 
Si arat ara y aay ATTA: SIGE | 
erate aatest ara afte TAT, Cal 
i wales Byes wafwap sw|rfyat | 
ferred (WaT Vat we ATATSI HF I 

1870. | The Vastw Yaga. 229 
St efeaifeers sary aa 
ai vicg eceqite warenrta gaa | 
aa fagteamy wat we TAS FI 
Si waaatesia ariiet az | 
ai faunas Hse qa: a | 
By a & Mala S BAH ACST VF | 
Si fentas Sy fears ae: | 
Si aes fraac argeatee: wer | 
at er eatesray imate a | 
St aiteta @ It ye Caste TE | 
Crile . 
St airartasray Traxteara az | 
Bt StH fae Ta: Bera WATT: | 
St ararfaeray Wasa a | 
Si ay Ws qaeay aaa Weta: | 
wa arqaerara Gat We Tats FI 
at TRS aE] aml qe: : 
St saree TTA sa Fafa Tc | 

Om, salutation be to Braéhmani, the goddess dwelling in the 
plantain tree. Om, Devi Durga, welcome, come near us. In the 
Brahma form distribute peace to all. Om, salutations be to 

Om, salutation be to Kalika, the goddess dwelling in the Arum 
plant. Om, good-natured in the war of Mahisha demon, you be- 
came arum plant. Om, the beloved of Hara, come hither for my 

Om, salutation be to Durga, the goddess, dwelling in the turmeric 
plant. Om, Haridra, you are Hara incarnate. Om, good-natured 
you are Uma incarnate. For the destruction of my ill-luck, do re- 
ceive my puja and be propitiated. 

Om, salutation be to Kartiki, the goddess, dwelling in the Sesva- 
nia plant. Om, during the destruction of Sumbha and Nisumbha, 

230 The Vastu Yaga. [ No. 3, 

demons, goddess of success, you were worshipped by Indra and all 
gods. Be pleased with us. 

Om, salutation be to Siva, the goddess, dwelling in the vilva tree. 
Om, beloved of Mahadeva and beloved of Vishnu, beloved of Uma, 
vilva tree, I salute you. 

Om, salutation be to Raktadantiké (blood-teethed), the goddess, 
dwelling in the pomegranate tree. Om, formerly in the war, you 
became Dadimi in the presence of Raktavija HEED TE, you acted the 
part of Uma, therefore bless us. 

Om, salutation be to Sokarahité (devoid of sorrow), the goddess, 
dwelling in the asoka tree. Om, Asoka tree, you please Siva and 
you destroy all sorrow. Make me sorrowless in the same way as 
you please Durga. 

Om, salutation be to Chamunda, the goddess, dwelling in the 
Man tree. Om, on whose leaves rests the Devi, beloved of Sachi, 
for my prosperity receive my puja. 

Om, salutations be to Lakshmi, the goddess, dwelling in the rice 
plant. Om, for the preservation of the life of all beings you were 
created by Brahma. Om, preserve me in the same way as you 
please Uma. 

The following is a list of plants regarded by the Hindus with 
religious veneration. Some of these are worshipped on certain 
occasions, and others are connected with several forms of worship. 

sata —Jonesia asoka. 

347a—Ficus religiosa. 
yTa-x—Calotropis gigantea, R. 
Braeaat—Hmblica officinalis, Gartn. 
ag—Colocasia antiquorum, L. 
azz—Nauclea cadomba, Roxb. 
ataanee—N. cordifolia, Roxb. 
a@ewt—Musa paradisaica, L. 
Taa—Azadirachta indica, Ad Juss. 
yeatx— Butea frondosa, Roxb. 
Uteatatett—Erythrina indica, Lam. 
stfa@a—Punica granatum, L. 
e=qt—Cynodon dactylon. 
uqe—Datura alba, Rumph. 

1870.] The Vastu Yaga. 231 

aqat—Mimusops elengi, L. 
a@aat—Ipomeea reptans, Poir. 
agaqe@ei—Ocimum adscendens, Willd. 
ataet—Acacia arabica, Willd. 

aq@— gle marmelos, Cuv. 
vaeel—Salvia plebeia, R. 

Ca a=za—Pterocarpus santalum, L. 
traqerat—Adenanthera pavokina, L. 
wa1s1—Zrophis aspera, Retz. 
araeat—Sarcostema acidum, Roxb. 
~aaqt—Leucas martinicensis, R. 
=fcai—Curcuma longa, Roxb. 
wtltami—Mirobalans cheduba, L. 
qx.—Poa cynosuroides, Retz. 
Bagquat—oO. sanctum, L. 
a@Tx—Saacharum spontaneum, L. 

—Colocasia indica. 

wfex—aAcacia catechu, L. 

wisit— Phoenix silvestris, Roxb. 
wsa=i—Sesbania cefyptiaca, Pers. 
aticaea—Cocos nucifera, L. 

fa arei—Strychnos potatorum, L. 

314 —Mangifera indica, L. 
qree—Bignonea suaveolens, L. 
aasac— Ficus glomerata, Roxb. 
quai—Ocimum vellosum. 

gteq—Oryza sativa, L. 
aiz1—Guilandina bondue, L. 
qa—Agati grandiflorani, Desre. 
az—Ficus indica, L. 
aqaqisie—Desmodium gyrans, L, 
qast—Terminalia moluccana, Roxb. 
aaggqeet—Oamum basilicum, pilosum, Benth. 
wtz—Clerodendron viscosum, Vent. 
aradaiaat—Hiptage madablota, Garts. 
araawts— Phaseolus roxburghii, W. A. 

232 The Bonhara Temple. [No. 3, 

way —Luvunga scandens, Buch. 

"rz —Acacia suma, Buch. 
feate—Pheenix paludosa, Roxb. 
aatTaTaT—Pterospermum acerifotum, L. 
st ¥— Mirobalans arguna, W. 

Extracts from my Diary regarding the Bonhara Temple near Omerpore, 
Behar, and other Antiquities of the place.—By Bisu RasHsrnart 
Boss, Sus-Drvisionan OFrricEerR, BAnKA, BHAGALPUR. 

December 7th, 1869.—At 5 Pp. m., I went to Bonhara, which 
is almost contiguous to Omerpore, to see the large dighi or tank 
and the mosque on its bank, which are generally ascribed to Prince 
Shah Shuja’. The tank is about 1300 feet in length and about 
700 feet broad. It is gradually filling up, but is never dry; and 
in the centre, the water is said to be very deep. Traces may be 
seen of the large masonry steps leading to it on the eastern bank, 
on which the mosque stood. Old people still remember that there 
was a covered passage leading from the mosque to the tank, by 
which Muhammadan ladies could carry water tothe former, without 
exposing themselves to the gaze of the multitude bathing in the 
latter. The mosque has entirely disappeared, several mounds of 
bricks embedded in the earth being all that is left to mark the 
spot where it stood. Buta marble slab which was placed on it by 
the founder, bearing inscriptions in Arabic, may still be seen by 
the side of a tomb latterly erected near the place. The inserip- 
tions, I was told, had never before been deciphered,* though many 
of the learned had attempted it. But as it grew dark, I was 
obliged to return to camp. 

December 8th, 1869.—On enquiry, I learnt that the mosque, 
which, in the language of the peasantry, had been as high as the 
tallest of the palm trees, was pulled down by Zemindar Banee- 
prasad Chowdry for the sake of some hidden treasure it contained, 

* The inscription was published in the Proceedings of the Society for 
November, 1870. 



1870. | The Bonhara Temple. 

but which no one dared to touch on account of the solemn injunction, 
said to be recorded on the marble slab, to the effect that the offender, 
if a Hindu, was to eat beef, andif a Muhammadan, was to take pork, 
For seven days and nights, so runs the legend, the treasure consist- 
ing of gold and silver coins, was carried in carts to Baneepra- 
sad’s house. He was formerly one of the greatest and richest 
zemindars in the Sub-Division, but the moment the hidden wealth 
was dug up in spite of the solemn injunction, the ghost of the 
original owner haunted him day and night: he never after pros- 
pered in whatever he undertook; he became almost insane; his 
wealth disappeared, no one knew how; his estates were sold; the 
indigo factory he had raised on the western bank of the tank with 
the bricks taken from the mosque, fell into disuse; and at last he 
died aruined man. This is believed to be the fate of all who mis- 
appropriate hidden treasure. In some cases, the treasure is sup- 
posed to be guarded by hideous snakes, wasps, or ghosts. The 
treasure often appears to its intended victim in dreams, reveals the 
place of its concealment, and asks him to sacrifice his son or sons 
before digging it out. If he misappropriate it without sacrificing 
what is wanted, his children are sure to die, or he himself 
becomes blind. Few people in this country therefore run the 
risk of misappropriating hidden treasure. It is then no wonder if 
Baneeprasad, after committing the sacrilege, was haunted by a 
guilty conscience, and was reduced from affluence to poverty, as is 
proved by the condition of his grandsons at the present day. It 
must have been in a moment of deep repentance that he rebuilt a 
tomb erected to one La’l Khan which he had pulled down, and 
placed on it the tablet belonging to the mosque. 

At 7 A. m., I went to the place with a Maulawi, in order to decipher 
the inscription on the tablet. After poring over it for nearly an 
hour, he declared his inability to proceed further than the first line, 
especially as the ignorant mason had placed the slab upside down. 
After the kacheri was over at 4 P. m., I therefore visited the tomb 
once more, and after having rubbed some ink and oil over the in- 
scription, obtained an impression of it on paper, which was made 
over to several learned Maulawis to decipher. Afterwards I went to 
see another very old tank about a mile further north, which goes 


234 The Bonhara Temple. [ No. 3, 

by the name of Namaz Talao, signifying “tank for prayer.’ It 
is situated in the midst of a large plain, andis now used as a place 
for the cremation of the dead. 

At 4 Pp. m., I went to see the remains of the old fort of Debi Raja 
at Dumrawan which is about a mile north from the town of 
Omerpur. The fort was about a mile or more in circuit, consist- 
ing entirely of mud walls surrounded by a deep ditch. The only 
approaches to the fort were by seven large gates, some of which 
are still to be seen. .The walls near these gates are tolerably 
high, but in most places they are scarcely more than two or three 
feet above ground, while in few places they have been levelled with 
the ground by the cultivator’s plough. There was a small fort 
within the fort for the accommodation of the women, and init there 
is a small tank which still goes by the name of ‘ Ranee Gurrea,’ 
or the Ranee’s tank. Near this tank lie some bricks to mark the 
spot where stood the palace of the Raja or his seraglio. 

It was within this fort that the last struggle for independence 
made by the Khetauri Raja against the Muhammadan invaders ap- 
pears to have taken place. ‘Tradition has preserved an anecdote 
regarding the romantic courage and prowess evinced by Debi 
Raja during the contest. 

It is said that being besieged by the Muhammadans in his capital, 
and finding himself unequal to the contest, he resolved to abandon 
his capital, and left it at night with his little band of devoted 
followers. A washer-woman, who was with child, could not run 
so fast as the soldiers wished. One of the latter having there- 
upon sneeringly observed, with reference to her pregnancy, ‘‘ Who 
told you to bring yourself to this pass?’ she replied :—‘‘ The 
Raja told me to do so; for had I known he would cowardly desert 
his capital, I should not have been what Iam.” This speech be- 
ing reported to the Raja, he felt ashamed of his cowardice, imme- 
diately returned to his capital with his troops, contested, at fearful 
odds, every inch of ground with the enemy, and was at last cut off 
to a man. 

It is believed by some that the Raja had an improper connection 
with the washer-woman. 

1870. | An Account of Copilmuni and its Antiquities. 235 

An Account of Copilmunt and its Antiquities, in connection with the 
Fair held there in March, 1868, being extracts from my Diaries of a 
cold weather tour in Sub-Division Khulnea in Jessore.—By Ba- 
Boo Rasusrzari Boss, Sus-Divistonar Orricer, Banka, Buacatr- 

March 20th, 1868.—I examined many respectable people about 
the origin of the fair, but no one could give a_ satisfactory 
account. ‘They have lived up to old age, as: their fathers did be- 
fore them, without troubling themselves about the inquiry. They 
even wondered why I took the trouble of asking them about it. 
According to them, the fair is held because it has been held 
before. I called and examined the mohunts of the place, who are 
the descendants of Bagnath Mohunt, a recluse of great sanctity who 
is said to have buried himself alive near the temple or rather the 
hermitage of Copil; but they could give me no other information 
than that the fair used to be held before the time of their great 
ancestor, though on a smaller scale than at present. 

March 21st, 1868.—On my way back, I found a large number 
of pilgrims going to bathe in the Copotuc, which, during the Ba- 
roni festival, is considered to assume the sacred virtues of the 
Ganges. ‘The vast multitude of pilgrims that come to bathe in the 
stream at this time of the year, has no doubt given rise to the 
mela, or fair. But the difficulty lies in accounting for the Copotuc 
being considered at the time of the Baroni to be as sacred as the 

On my return to my tent, I received a visit from the priest of the 
temple of Copileshuri, the goddess who is supposed to preside over 
the destiny of Copilmuni. He was unwilling to relate the tradi- 
tions connected with the fair, they being, he said, idle stories 
which were not fit for the ear of a hakim. Being, however, pres- . 
sed on the subject, he stated that it was on the thirteenth day after 
the full moon, (the day of the Baroni festival) that Copil became 
Sidha, or had his prayers accepted in heaven, and it was to 
commemorate that event that he instituted the fair, which had 
continued to be held on that day. This account does not satis- 

236 An Account of Copilmuni and its Antiquities. [ No. 3, 

factorily explain how the Copotuc came to assume the virtues of 
the sacred Ganges. The priest further related that the daughter 
of one Bungsi Chakrabati came one evening to light up the temple 
of Copileshuri, but both the girl and the goddess thereupon disap- 
peared from the temple. The bereaved father having searched for 
his child in vain, at last fell in dhwrna before the temple. On the 
third day, the goddess appeared to him in his dream, and said, she 
had destroyed the girl for presuming to enter her temple in an 
impure dress, and that her own stone image having deserted the 
new temple so profaned, had retired to the ancient temple built by 
Copil, which was to be found beneath the waters of Copotuc, but 
that she would continue to accept the offerings made in the former 
before an image built of clay. The priest further related a story 
about Bagnath Mohunt to the effect that he sent something which 
cannot be mentioned with decency, enclosed in an earthen pot as a 
present to the emperor of Dilhi; but when the enraged monarch 
ordered it to be thrown open, he was surprised to see it filled with 
the sweetest things in the world. Some of the jagirs granted to 
Bagnath on that occasion are held by his descendants up to this 
day. ; 

Around the tomb of Ja’far-Auhaé, a Muhammadan saint who died 
about seventy years ago, and a few yards from those of the great 
Copil and Bagnath, was gathered this day a large crowd of pilgrims, 
chiefly women, who had come to bathe in the stream. These wo- 
men kept up singing the whole night through, almost disturbing 
the bones of the mighty saint. 

At night, I received visits from a large number of respectable men 
of the surrounding villages. In reply to my inquiries about the 
origin of the fair, one of them stated that Copil’s mother having 
expressed a desire to go on a pilgrimage to the Ganges at the time 
of Baroni, when that sacred river is thought to become specially 
sacred, Copil said she need not take so much trouble, as he could 
bring the goddess herself to grace the stream flowing beneath her 
cottage. Accordingly on the day of Baroni, Copil invoked the 
Ganga, and the goddess testified her presence in the Copetuc by 
thrusting her hand out of the water, the rest of her body remain- 
ing buried under the waves. It is said that at the request of Co- 

1870. ] An Account of Copilmuni and tts Antiquities. 237 

pil, she agreed in future to appear at that place for an hour at the 
time of the Baroni festival, in consequence of which the stream flow- 
ing under the hermitage of Copil became sacred on that particular 
day, and attracted crowds of pilgrims from the surrounding villages. 

March 22nd, 1868.—At dawn, I went to the river side to wit- 
ness the bathing of the pilgrims. In order to have a better view of 
the scene, I entered a boat on the river, and rowed up to the 
place where the hermitage or the temple of Copil is supposed to lie 
buried beneath the waters. To my front was the tomb of Ja’far- 
Aulia, which both Hindus and Muhammadans revere as con- 
taining the mortal remains of one who knew the past, the present, 
and the future. On my right, stood the Nimba tree which is said 
to have witnessed the birth, suicide, and resurrection of Bagnath 
Mohunt: for three days after he had buried himself alive under its 
shade, his disciples could find no trace of his body under the earth. 
On my left was the temple of Copileshuri, containing the un- 
sightly image of a naked goddess standing with up-lifted hands 
and protruding tongue over the prostrate body of her divine lord, 
and rendered still more hideous by wreaths of bloody heads hang- 
ing by way of ornament from her neck down to her knees. In the 
space enclosed between these sacred monuments of by-gone ages, 
were assembled about four thousand pilgrims, eager to wash off 
their sins at the ghat where Copil’s mother is supposed to have seen 
the Ganga. Husbands going arm in arm with their bashful wives, 
and women taking their infant children on their breasts, rushed 
promiscuously to the stream. Many of them were provided with a 
small piece of bark from the plantain tree containing a few grains 
of rice and ¢ee/, some leaves from the tulsi, a piece or two of 
ripe plantain, and some sweetmeats. Over these they pronounced 
mantras dictated by their priest, and then throwing a portion 
into the stream, greedily devoured the rest. Several were seen to 
offer sweetmeats to Copileshuri, which gave the officiating priest 
an opportunity of playing the part of a shopkeeper with a ven- 
geance; for he had set up a shop of his own, from which the 
pilgrims were required to purchase the sweetmeats, as being most 
acceptable to the goddess, and as soon as they were offered before 
her image, they were again transferred to his shop and sold to the 

238 An Account of Copilmunt and its Antiquities. [ No. 3, 

next pilgrim who called for the purpose. In this way he appeared 
to have realized a profit of a rupee on every pice worth of goods 
he had in his shop. 

Among the pilgrims, I could not find a single kayast, boido, or 
brahman. All the lower classes of Hindus, almost without a sin- 
gle exception, were present. The reason is, the three higher class- 
es named above do not believe in the sanctity of the Copotuc at 
the time of the Baroni. This would seem to prove that Copil 
was born of low parentage. Indeed, he is suspected by some to 
be an ancestor of the present mohunts of Copilmuni, who are Ju- 
gis (cloth-weavers) by caste. Hence his influence over the higher 
castes of Hindus is very small. It is necessary to state that Copil 
is a different individual from his great namesake who figures so 
conspicuously in the Ramayan, and is said to have destroyed sixty 
thousand sons of Rajah Sagur on being disturbed by them in his 
devotions, which subsequently caused the Ganges, in compliance 
with the prayers of one of their descendants, named Bhagirath, to 
pour from the heavens like an avalanche over the Himalaya, and 
thence thundering down to the plains, pass over the spot where 
his ancestors had been reduced to ashes. 

March 23rd, 1868.—At night I received visits from the respec- 
table people of Mahmiudkati, Hurridhahe, &c. One of them 
stated, on the authority of an old man who had again heard it from 
his grandfather, that on the day of the Baroni festival, Copil 
became Sidha, and being anxious to test the fact by ocular demon- 
stration, invoked his favourite goddess. The goddess came riding 
over the waves, and when she departed, Copil threw himself into her 
waters and died praying that on the anniversary of his death she 
would make her appearance ou that spot for an hour. This, how- 
ever, differs from the popular account given above. 

March 24th, 1868.—I heard a legend about Copil. It is said, 
he used daily to bathe in the Ganges at dawn, and then perform 
his morning prayers at his hermitage on the banks of the Copotue, 
the distance travelled being about three days’ journey. 

March 26th, 1868.—At dawn I took a walk towards the fa- 
mous old tank known by the name of Lahona Khulna. It is 
perfectly dry and overgrown with tall trees, which the superstitious 

1870. | An Account of Copilmuni and its Antiquitves. 239 

wood-cutters dare not touch. The barren women from the sur- 
rounding villages come to bathe in a well in the tank, in the belief 
that a dip in its waters would make them fruitful. Almost contig- 
uous to the Lahona Khulna, flows the small rivulet which goes 
by the name of Magra. The readers of the immortal work called 
Kavi Kunkun Chandi are aware that Lahana and Khulna are 
the wives of Dhonoputty Sadager, and that the Magra is the river 
where his son Srimunto Sadager encountered a terrific storm raised 
by the goddess Chandi to test his sincerity and devotion to her. 
It is therefore believed that Copilmuni or its neighbourhood is 
the place where the scene of Kavi Kankan Chandi is laid. In 
proof of this, people further appeal to the remains of ancient build- 
ings found buried in the bosom of the earth at a place called Agra, 
which is about a mile north-east of Copilmuni, while the Lahana 
Khulna and Magra are situated about two miles towards the 
south-east. But the poet lays the scene of his hero’s birth-place 
at Ujaini, or Ujeni, which is the name of the capital of Malwa. 
This discrepancy may, however, be reconciled by the supposition 
that the place was formerly called Ujani, which was afterwards 
changed into Copilmuni by the famous anchorite of that name. 
A pandit suggested to me the improbability of a small place on 
the banks of the Copotuc bearing the classical name of Ujaini, on 
which I reminded him that the contiguous village was called Agra. 
Jt is natural for a man to associate himself with great names; and 
if Dhonoputty Sadagar or his son Srimunto chose to call his mari- 
time port according to the city of the Great Akbar, he might as well 
designate his birth-place the capital of the romantic and heroic 

March 27th, 1868.—At dawn I took a walk as far as Agra, 
with a view to see the remains of ancient buildings supposed to have 
belonged to Dhonoputty Sadagar. In several places there are little 
hillocks of earth in the form of cones, whose apexes are about twenty 
feet above the level of the surrounding country. In these lie 
buried magnificent brick structures which have sunk entire in the 
bosom of the earth,—time’s all destroying hand having as yet 
worked upon them in vain. In one place are to be seen walls 
about eight feet broad, which probably once formed the wings of a 

240 An Account of Copilmuni and its Antiquities. [No. 3, 

gigantic temple. In front of it are the remains of a pucca road which 
seem to have extended as far as the river. The cultivators in the 
neighbourhood told me that for a mile or two around, bricks might 
be found in various places only a few inches under ground. 
Considering all that has been stated before, it is impossible to 
resist the conviction that Copilmuni and its neighbourhood con- 
tain the ruins of a large city whose splendours have long since 
passed away. 

March 28th, 1868.—At night, I heard two legends about 
Ja’far-Aulia. They are as follows:—A certain man had a cow 
which he prized much, but it sickened and died. Being extremely 
poor, he goes to Ja’far-Aulia and cries till his eyes are red. ‘‘ Why 
do you cry,” said the prophet, ‘‘ Your cow is not dead, it is only 
sleeping.” Thereupon he called one of his disciples, and said, 
“Take this stick which I give unto thee, and having touched the 
cow with it, call the animal hither.” The disciple goes to the field 
and striking the cow with the stick, says, ‘‘ Why sleepest thou 
so long? Come, thy master calls.” The cow rose as if it had been 
sleeping, and followed the disciple to the cottage of Ja’far-Aulia. 

A disciple of Ja’far-Aulia once did a wrong act. The saint 
said to his other disciples, ‘‘ Go and throw him into the river ina 
gunny bag, after closing its mouth with a string.” The disciples 
did as they were directed to do, but the bag would not sink and 
floated down the stream. The prophet was at the time on his way 
to the Sundarbun. When he had completed a day’s journey, the 
disciple within the bag cried and said, ‘‘ Master, behold I am not 
dead. Take pity on a fallen creature and restore me to thy favour.” 
The saint thereupon ordered his disciples to take the bag from 
the river, and let out the culprit, considering him sufficiently pun- 






No. IV.—1870. 


On the Funeral Ceremonies of the Ancient Hindus.—By Babu 

[Read November, 1870. ] 

Two elaborate papers have already appeared on the funeral cere- 
monies of the Hindus. The first, by H. T. Colebrooke, was publish- 
ed in the Transactions of this Society about seventy years ago,* and 
an abstract of it was soon after issued in Ward’s History of the 
Hindus. It contains the modern ritual as given in the Suddhi Tutt- 
va of Raghunandana and other current works on the subject. The 
second, entitled Die Todtenbestattung bet den Brahmanen, appeared 
in the 9th volume of the Zeztschrift of the German Oriental Society. 
Dr. Max Miiller, its author, gives in it the whole of As‘valaya- 
na’s Sutras on the ancient ritual, and quotes largely from the Rig 
Veda Sanhita and the aphorisms of Katydyana. A portion of it, 
that bearing on the sepulchral ceremonies, has since been rendered 
into English, by that learned scholar, and published by Professor 
Wilson as a part of his Essay ‘on the supposed Vaidik authori- 
ty for the burning of Hindu widows.”{ Dr. Max Miiller is of 
opinion that—‘‘ These burial ceremonies have been described 
in detail by As’valayana only, and it is possible that the burial was 

* Asiatic Researches, VII. pp. 232—285. Nssays, I. 155. 

+ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, XVI, pp. 201-214, 


242 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus.  [WNo. 4, 

not considered as an essential part of that class of rites which is 
comprehended under the name of Samskdra.’” Such, however, does 
not seem to be the case; for the whole of the funeral ceremonies, 
including those required to be observed at burials, are given in 
detail in the sixth chapter of the Avranyaka of the Black Yajur 
Veda, aphorised by Baudh4yana and Bharadvdja in their Sutras, 
and commented upon by Séyana Acharya. I find that Hiranya- 
kes’i also has written on the subject, but I have not his work at 
hand to refer to, nor has Séyana noticed him. A hand-book for 
the performance of funeral ceremonies, professing to be founded on 
the rules of Hiranyakes’i, exists in the Society’s Library and is 
entitled :—Hiranyakes'yanteshti-prayoyamant ; but it is a compilation 
by a modern author, Abhayankara Bhatta, and does not correspond 
with the rules of the other Sttrakaras. It treats of the whole of 
the rites due on the first thirteen days after death, but it does not 
anywhere quote the rules of Hiranyakes’i, and so simplifies the 
operations detailed in the works of the early writers that it cannot 
be accepted as a trustworthy guide to the most ancient ritual. 

The Aranyaka describes the ceremonies under the title of Pvtri- 
medha, or rites for the welfare of the manes, and gives all the man- 
tras required for the ceremonials of the first ten days after death, 
leaving the srdddha, or the rites meet for the eleventh day, altoge- 
ther unnoticed. The mantras are taken mostly from the Rig Veda, 
and arranged in consecutive order, but without any clue to the par- 
ticular rituals for which they are intended. The two Sutrakaras 
supply this deficiency, and as they point out several peculiarities 
not to be found in As‘valéyana, I propose to give here a summary 
of the subject. The bulk of the mantras and the rules are the 
same as given by As’valayana; but as that author’s work, lately 
published by the Society, has already been commented upon by 
Dr. Max Miiller,* it is not necessary to notice it in detail. 

The first mantra given in the Aranyaka refers to the perfor- 
mance of a homa immediately after the death of a man who had 
always maintained the sacrificial fires in his house. According to 
Baudhayana, four offerings should be made, while touching the 

* Vide passim Grimm’s Hssay on the Burning of the Dead, and Dr. Roth’s 
article “ on Burial in India,” 

1870. | On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 243 

right hand of the dead, to the Garhapatya fire, with a spoon over- 
flowingly full of claritied butter. Bharadvaja prefers the Ahavaniya 
fire, and is silent as to whether the offering should be fourfold or 
not. <As’valayana recommends the rite to be performed at. a 
subsequent stage of the funeral. All three take it for granted 
that death has happened within the house, if not near the place 
where the sacrificial fires are kept, and none has anything to say 
regarding the taking of the dying to the river-side, or of the cere- 
mony of immersing the lower half of the body in water at the 
moment of death, (antarjali) which forms so offensive a part of the 
modern ceremonial in Bengal, and which has been, by a flourish 
of incisive rhetoric and at aconsiderable sacrifice of truth, called 
“‘ghat murder.’”’ Looking to this negative evidence against it, to its 
total absence in other parts of India, and to the oldest authorities 
on the subject being the most recent of the Puranas, it may be 
fairly concluded that it is of modern origin. None of the authori- 
ties usually quoted, enjoin it as a positive duty, and it has come into 
general practice probably since the date of Raghunandana and his 
contemporary Smritikaras of the 16th century.* 

* The authorities usually quoted are the following :— 
Wheres eo | TEE Bsa ad ata atrag | AU aac 

FG Seta BAH TS || STR 

* I shall relate to you, O handsome-faced, the merit of giving up life in the 
Ganges. I give him (who does so) my own rank, and pour in his ears the 
mantra of the Great Brahma.’ Skanda Purdya, quoted in the Suddhi tattva. 

eR TAMAS | Velen G weal fayaanaa yw | wate a 
Vasa AQUI Fl WT) Barea @rorntwasfate ary 
ATT Ree | ALIMAMA arai ata efeai | we aaweraify: 

g — * 
“* He who fasting dies with half hig body immersed in the water of the Jah- 
nayi (Ganges), is never born again, and attains equality with Brahma.” Agni 
Purdna, quoted in the Prayaschitta tattva. 
«The embodied who dies with its body up to the navel in water, attains the 
fruit of all the sacred waters, tirthas. There is no doubt about it.” Skanda 


faaraareant | agTat asrat ee Ba sa a Poa Sis UR | 

“ After giving up the body in the Ganges there is no second birth.” Kriyd- 
yogasdra. ‘ s 

ara] SU ATH TASTY | vy | 

“ Hveu the crime of Brahmanicide may be expiated by giving up the body in 
the Ganges.” Kriydyogasdra. 

244 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. (No. 4, 

After the homa, a cot made of Udumbara wood (Ficus glomarata) 
is to be provided, and, having spread on it a piece of black antelope 
skin with the hairy side downwards and the head pointing to the 
south, the corpse is to be laid thereon with the face upwards. A 
son, brother or other relative, or in their absence whoever takes the 
lead, should next address the corpse to give up its old clothing, 
and dress it in a new suit.* The body is then covered with a piece 
of unbleached, uncut cloth, having fringes on both sides ; the opera- 
tion being performed while repeating a mantra., Then, wrapping 
it in its bedding or a mat, it is to be borne on its cot to the place of 
cremation. The removal, according to some authorities, should be 
made by aged slaves; according to others on a cart drawn by two 
bullocks. The mantra for the purpose, says, ‘‘ I harness these two 
bullocks to the cart, for the conveyance of your life, whereby you 
may repair to the region of Yama—to the place where the virtuous 
resort,” { clearly indicating that the most ancient custom was, to 
employ acart andnot men. As valayana suggests one bullock. Any- 
how, the ancient Stitrakaras evince none of the repugnance to the 
employment of Stidras for the removal of the corpse of a Brahman, 
which the modern Smarthas entertain on the subject. According to 
the latter, none but the kith and kin of the dead should perform 
this duty, and the touch of other than men of one’s own caste is pol- 
lution, which can be atoned for only by the performance of an ex- 
piatory ceremony.§ When Sir Cecil Beadon, the late Lieutenant- 

* The mantra for the purpose says :— 
= oRe * = 
wae ve ufeefaw gt! TUIQn aa afaut gua <u 
asur fa $4 il Ril 

“Give up the cloth thou hast hitherto worn ; remember the ishta and purta 
sacrifices thou hast performed, the fees (to Brahmans thou hast given) and those 
(gifts thou hast) bestowed on thy friends.” 

+ Seal Ge IGG “ANAT | 2 I 
*¢ This cloth comes to thee first.” 

{ wiadea weg ee ane asa ar deer eran sseeT ae 
Tat Qafsa a sel EAI ses | Vat way wed Gaaraity 

AVA tl B il 
§ This prejudice first manifested itself, though in a mitigated form, in the 
time of Manu, who says, “ Letno kinsman, whilst any of his own class are at 

1870.] On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 245 

Governor of Bengal, proposed the removal of the Hindu dead of 
Calcutta by the Mutlah Railway to Gariah, the strongest opposition 
was offered by the people, on the ground that it would involve a 
most serious pollution and loss of caste, to allow a corpse to be 
touched by other than its own caste men. They quoted a number 
of texts in support of their opinion, including those given above, 
and had no doubt custom—a greater authority than written laws— 
to plead in their favour; but the most revered and most ancient of 
their S’4stras was opposed to them, for it recommended for the 
Brahman dead a bullock cart as the most fitting conveyance, and 
a Sidra slave as its substitute. 

The road from the house to the burning-ground used to be di- 
vided into three stages, and at the end of each, the procession used 
to halt, deposit the body on its cot on the ground, and address a 
mantra. As’valéyana says nothing about the division of the road 
into stages, nor of the mantras to be repeated, but recommends the 
procession to be headed by the eldest member of the family. The 
first mantra in the Aranyaka runs as follows: ‘“ Pusha, who knows 
the road well, has well-trained animals, to carry you, and is the 
protector of regions, is bearing you away hence; may he translate 
you hence to the region of the pitris. May Agni, who knows what 
hand, cause a deceased Brahman to be carried out by a Stidra; since the 

funeral rite, polluted by the touch of a servile man, obstructs his passage to 
heaven.” Chap. V. ver. 104. The following are the subsequent authorities :— 

Tam: | wd faci a WRU ay we fastest! se | qeravafa War- 
ste amareest te WV) eeaa: | ameaafaarainat wargy Tesrareec | 
Fr aa saenfa aay aifech ser | SMa Se HTATQR WIE 
Ta | Sead Ufad ae Wea ATaTqeare | gays asqaee aad Hat 
qata| aa: | fasy aco ay fanaa feasara) feaaa afeufac- 


“The Brahman (dead) should not be removed by a Stidra, or a Sudra (dead) 
by a Braman. Vishnu. 

** Whoever causes fire, grass, wood, and ghi to be brought by a Sidra (should 
perform an expiatory rite). Yama. I shall now relate to you the mode of puri-. 
fication as ordained by Manu, from the pollution caused by a dog, Sidra, an 
outcaste and the low dying in the house of a Brahman. ‘Ten nights for a dog, 
month for a Sidra, twice that time for an outcaste, and twice that for the 
low. The house should be forsaken in the case of the lowest, says Manu. 
Vrihanmanu. A house becomes purified in three days after the death of a 
Brahman ; the courtyard outside of the house is purified in one day by the touch 
of fire, and by smearing it with cow dung. Yama, 

246 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. [No. 4, 

is meet for you, bear you away.”* The commentator in explaining 
the term Anashtapas’u “ well-trained animals,” attempts to include 
in the text the slaves recommended by the Stitrakaras by the re- 
mark “ the human bearers are two-footed animals, and the two bul- 
locks four-footed animals :” vahakih manushyah dvipdt-pasavah anadva- 
hau chatuspdtpasik. The second and the third mantras are, in 
substance, very much like the first, and call for no remark. 

A most important member of the funeral procession is an animal 
called anustarant or rajagavi. An old cow is recommended as 
the most appropriate, next a black one, next a black-eyed one, next 
one with black hairs, and lastly one with black hoofs. If none of 
these are available, a black tender-hoofed goat may be substituted. 
As‘valayana recommends an animal of one colour, or a black kid, and 
says that it should be brought with a rope tied to the near fore- 
foot. The animal is to be brought with the mantra, ‘‘ Protector of 
regions, this is an offering for thee.”’+ An oblation is to be poured 
on the fire in connexion with this offering with the iddé or chamasa 
spoon, saying, ‘‘ May this prove acceptable to wealthy Agni.” } 

According to the Sutrakaras, the cow should be sacrificed, but 
should any accident happen at the time of the sacrifice, the fore 
left foot is to be broken, and the wound being dressed with dust, 

* Mantra to be repeated at the end of the first stage. 
yw aaraaag F fagrrqeqNyaty ag a aa ofceer- 
Farewa iste a: efaeaw: 4 i 
Mantra to be repeated at the end of the second stage. 
Yea THT warae at! a wat wraaaa aya! fear wetu: 

wiatrree Ut ug afters il € Ul 

« Pusha aoe ‘all these sides ; may he bear you away hence by the safest 
road ; may he, who is peneficens, kind to us, and mighty against all, knowing 
the road well, lead us without obstruction.”’ 

Mantra to be repeated at the end of the third stage. 

safes: afcarafa a ua aT ag TTA WLAN | AAI FaaT 

ch a Fae a ea: afaar Surg lO Il 

“ The eS. the life of the world wishes to take charge of you. May Pushé, 
leading, protect you in the difficult road ; may the divine sun, leading you by 
the way of the virtuous, place you where the pious dwell.” 

tT wate va Te eta 1s I 
t sya tara Get le 0 

1870.] On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 247 

the animal is to be set free. The mantra for the sacrifice says: 
*‘ Companion of the dead, we have removed the sins of the dead by 
thee ; so that no sin or decrepitude may approach us.”’* The address 
after the immolation runs thus : ‘‘ Companion of the dead, we have 
made thy life inert ; thou attainest the earth by thy body, and the 
region of the manes by thy life. Pardon us and our children in 
this world.”} A third address to the cow follows when her body is 
being dusted, it is to this effect—‘‘ O dear one, say not that I am 
so killed, for thou art a goddess and virtuous, going to the region 
of the Pitris, travelling by the adorable sky: keep us well supplied 
with milk in this and the future world.” t 

If it be necessary to let loose the cow, she is to be made to walk 
thrice round the pyre, while the leader repeats a mantra each time, 
then sanctified by another which simply says, ‘‘ Mayest thou be a 
source of satisfaction by thy milk to those who are living (in my 
family), and those who are dead, and those who are just born, as well 
as those who may be born hereafter,’’§ and, lastly, let loose with the 
words, “ This cow is the mother of the Rudras, the daughter of the 
Vasus, the sister of the Adityas, and the pivot of our happiness, 
therefore I solemnly say unto all wise men, kill not this sacred 
harmless cow: Let her drink water and eat grass. Om! I let her 
loose.”’ || 

The next operations are to dig atrench, arrange fuel thereon, 
wash, shave and pare the nails of the corpse, and place it on the pyre 

* cary wasqiealfa WHS | FW AT WA AIT FU wa w- 
afta il you 

+ gary warafe fa a ciwafead | WUtT Aviat quate taea- 

tad aver faass Sat wm faewra vefe | fawarc awa daz- 

§ ya a 9 ea 4 ae Ay aa | MT wae aiefag 

|| arat watut Shear say aasteqraacay ate | ww arg 
fafagy sam a wanmnafete afas | Tages euey) sa- 
QaeA i 

248 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. |WNo. 4, 

along with the wife. They were probably performed without the 
aid of any mantra, for the Aranyaka does not allude to them. The 
trench, according to As’val4yana, should be twelve fingers deep, 
five spans* wide, and as long as the corpse with its hands uplifted. 
The corpse, in the opinion of some, should be disembowelled, and 
the cavity filled with ghi. When placed on the pyre, it should 
have in its hands, if a Brahman, a bit of gold, if a Kshatriya a 
bow, and if a Vaisya, ajewel. The wife should lie down on the 
left side of the corpse according to Baudhayana and Séyana. As’- 
valayana recommends that she should be placed near the head on 
the north side. The chief mourner, or he who is to set fire to the 
pyre, should then address the dead saying, ‘‘ O mortal, this woman, 
(your wife), wishing to be joined’ to you in a future world, (lit. to 
obtain the Patiloka, or the region of husbands) is lying by thy 
corpse ; she has always observed the duties of a faithful wife ; grant 
her your permission to abide in this world, and relinquish your 
wealth to your descendants.”| A younger brother of the dead, or 
a disciple, or aservant, should then proceed to the pyre, hold the 
left hand of the woman, and ask her to come away, saying, ‘‘ Rise up, 
woman, thou liest by the side of the lifeless; come to the world 
of the living, away from thy husband, and become the wife of him 
who holds thy hand and is willing to marry thee.”{ In a subse- 
quent mantra, she is to be asked to bring away the bit of gold above 
alluded to, from the hand of the corpse. The words for the pur- 
pose are—‘ For the promotion of thy wealth, and glory as a Brah- 
man woman, and beauty and power, take the gold from the hand 

* Aratni extending from the thumb to the tip of the index finger. 

+ gaara ufaera surat fagga wa arate sd) fay qurwag- 
areal we Ist Rfawas BES 

t vers arate stveratrngarqi fe) veer fefrar- 
eens aaaAa A Il 

aie, & sare was, ‘ea afd, “wqRW voy nat afy, 
‘sere warufasdorefas, ‘itseraaiy sitaai sifraeatie, 
fe wai ‘a, Sate afwaresrn, fetes gaara 
‘qa? vad, “Sifte arate, “StiesyT siiyert wR aT PS il 

The Rig Vedic reading of this verse will be noticed further on. 

1870.] On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 249 

of the dead, (and abide) in this (region) ; we (shall dwell) here 
well served and prospering, and overcoming all presumptuous 
assailants.”* ‘The scholiast of As’valayana says the remover of the 
widow, and not the widow, herself should take the gold, and that in 
the event of his being a slave, this and the two preceding mantras 
should be repeated by the chief mourner, and Wilson and Max 
Miller take it inthe same sense ; but Séyana’s comment is opposed 
to this interpretation.| The words to be addressed to a Kshatriya 
or a Vaidya woman, are the same, the words bow and jewel 
being respectively substituted for gold, and Kshatriya and Vaisya 
respectively for Brahmana. Under any circumstance the removal 
of the widow and the articles is completed. The Ardnyaka con- 
teraplates no alternative, and the Sutrakiras are silent on the 
subject, shewing clearly that when the Aranyaka was compiled, 
the inhuman practice of burning the living wife with her dead 
husband, had not obtained currency in the country, and as we 
know from the writings of Greek authors that the Sati rite 
had formed an important part of the Hindu funeral ceremony 
three centuries before Christ, and at least four centuries before that 
the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, alluded to it, it may be pre- 

iS Ss na ~ SS 
* gquy <areieaial way fay aaU aH FSA] Waa afaz 

aay ga faan gar wiwaratsran I 

This verse does not occur inthe 10th Mandala of the Rig Veda, but the 
counterpart of it, in connexion with the bow, occurs with a different reading, 
WAS CASA SAAS BN TIT TAT | aaa alae ay eater 

~ ocn 
faat war Blaaraisree | 
Dr. Max Miiller renders the last as follows: “I take the bow from 
the hand of the dead, tobe, to us, help, glory, and strength. Thou art there, 
wo are still here, with our brave sons; may we conquer all enemies that at- 
tack us’? Dr. Wilson’s version is slightly different in words, but is in sub- 
stance the same. “ Jiaking his bow from the hand of the dead that it may be 

to us for help, for strength, for fame, (I say) here verily art thou, and here are 
we: accompanied by our valiant descendants may we overcome all arrogant 

adversaries.’—Jour. R, As. Soc., XVI. p. 292. 

+ eared “faa”? waew, “Hea” araqusae, “asa”? aay, 
Cary? WATT, ATA” Fag, “sara” ‘eqn? ‘sareeray”? 
wat, way wa fas | ay ale se era, “GRA Ue aera: am, 
ay BAA Ge wearan, faa? ‘alread? aeara, RIA AIA’ | 


250 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus.  [No. 4, 

sumed that our text dates from at least eight centuries before the 
Christian era. The allusions in the Ramayana and the Mahabha- 
rata may, possibly, be interpolations, and ifso, the Aranyaka may 
be a century or two later, but that it was compiled long before the 
advent of Alexander in India, and that Baudhayana flourished be- 
fore Bharadvaja and Katyayana cannot be questioned. 

The sacrificial vessels which the defunct used to employ in his 
ceremonial rites, are now to be placed on the different parts of his 
body; the <Agni-hotra-havani, filled with butter and curds, on the 
mouth ; the srwva spoon, broken into two, on the nostrils ; two bits 
of gold or the butter spoon, (ajyasruva) broken into two, on the 
eyes; the prdsitra-harana, broken into two, on the ears; the 
kapala pot, broken into fragments, on the head ; a pot-sherd on the 
forehead; and, the chamasa spoon on the head. The mantra for 
the purpose consists of a prayer to Agni not to injure the chamasa 
spoon.* As’valayana arranges the sacrificial vessels differently ; he 
places the juhu on the right hand, the wpabhrit on the left hand, 
the sphya, sacrificial knife, on the right side, the Agnihotra-havani 
on the left side, the grdvna on the teeth, the kapalas on the head, the 
dhruvd on the breast, the sruva on the nostrils, the présitra-harana 
on the nostrils, the chamasa and the pdtri on the belly, the sami 
on the genitals, the pestle and mortar on the lower part of 
the thighs, the aranz on the upper part of the thighs, the swrpa on 
the feet, and other vessels on the body as convenient. He says, 
further, that the fat of the slaughtered cow should be placed on the 
head and on the eyes with the mantra ‘“‘ Agni &c.” and her kidneys 
on the hands with the mantra ‘“ Ati” &c., her heart on the cardiac 
region, and her flesh and organs on other parts of the body ; and 
that, in the event of the cow being let loose, imitations of her 
organs made with rice and barley meal, should be placed on the 
parts mentioned ; the fat being replaced by cakes. The Aranyaka 

* caagq wad a fasitec fier SaTATAS GANA | UT BAAS 
Saqaatat Sal Bwzat Aeaat 

“Destroy not, Agni, this spoon ; it is dear to the Devas and the performers 
of the Soma rites. This spoon is the drinking vessel of the Devas; may the im- 
mortal Devas therefore make us happy.” 

1870. | On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 251 

says nothing about these offerings, nor recognises any substitute. 
Possibly Baudhayana and Bharadvaja have provided for them; 
but I have not the necessary MSS. at hand to ascertain it. The 
Aranyaka, after arranging the sacrificial vessels, gives the mantra 
for covering the corpse with the raw hide of the cow, which should 
be entire with head, hair and feet, the hairy side being kept upper- 
most. The mantra for the purpose is addressed to the hide ; 
“¢ Cuirass, carefully protect this body from the light of Agni ; enve- 
lope it with thy thick fat, and marrow ; holding this impudent Agni, 
desirous of seeing and consuming it by his vigour, allow him not 
to go astray.’’* 

The pile is now ready to be lighted, and a fire should be applied 
toit with the prayer: “ Agni, consume not this body to cinders; 
nor give it pain; nor scatter around its skin or limbs! O Jatave- 
das, when the body is fairly burnt, convey the spirit to its ances- 
tors.” A second prayer to the same divinity is due when the fire 
is in full blaze, but its purport is not very different. It is follow- 
ed by an address to the organs of the dead. It says, ‘‘ May thy 
organ of vision proceed to the sun ; may thy vital air merge in the 
atmosphere ; mayest thou proceed, according to thy virtuous deeds, 
to heaven or earth or the region of water, whichever place is bene- 
ficial to thee; mayest thou there, provided with food, exist in 
corporeal existence.’’{ 

If instead of a cow, a goat is brought with the corpse, it is to be 
tied with a weak string near the fire, so that it may break its bond 
and escape. ‘The chief mourner should then offer twelve oblations 
to the fire with a spoon made of palasa wood, for which the Aran- 
yaka supplies the necessary mantras. Nine prayers next follow, 
of which the first four are addressed to Agni, the fifth to 
Yama, the sixth to the messengers of death, and the last three 

wyaa afc aifwaeraTY = Hear waa Wl aa STUAUSTAT 
SETTAT aufguar Tag aa Il 
+ waaay facet asfanrar aswead fafar at wat) ver wa 
aa STAIR ISAT stemware tye i 
t Qe a Wag aaa ATs TTR wheat @wAUT | SUT aT ae 
«fz aaa Feaarnaty gfafasr WIT I 

252 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. |WNo. 4, 

for a good region for the deceased. The one addressed to Yama 
describes him as having two cerberi for warders at his gate. 
‘King Yama, place this spirit under the care of thy two four-eyed 
dogs, which guard the roads and your mansion, and whom men 
avoid: keep it in ease and free from disease.”* The dogs are the 
offspring of Sarama; long-snouted, self-satisfied, and exceedingly 
powerful ; they are the messengers of Yama and roam about in 
search of men. The last three prayers I shall give entire. ‘1. 
Some purify the Soma juice, others worship with clarified butter, 
others again follow true knowledge (madhu vidyé) in quest of 
felicity ; may this spirit attain the same (reward). 2. May theaward 
of those who fight in the battle-field, and of heroes who sacrifice 
their lives, and of virtuous men who grant a thousand gifts, await 
this spirit. 3. May the award of those who in penance pass a 
blameless life, and of those who are gone to heaven by their pen- 
ance, and of those who have performed most rigorous austerities 
await this spirit.’’} 

After this, leaving the funeral pyre to smoulder, the chief mour- 
ner excavates three trenches to the north of the pyre, and lining 
them with pebbles and sand, fills them with water brought in an 
odd number of jars. The people who followed the procession are 
then requested to purify themselves by bathing in them; which 
being done, a yoke is put up with three palasa branches stuck in 
the ground and tied at the top with a piece of weak string, and 
they are made to pass underit. The chief mourner passes last, 
and then, plucking out the yoke, offers a prayer tothesun. There- 
upon, the party proceed to the nearest stream, and without 
looking at each other, purify themselves by bathing and a prayer 

* Fe arat aa cheater agra wfecdt eywer) aay cere 
yfregay efe ara wadiee BS 1 

+ ae wy vad Bawa woea | BT we saafa TY feearty 

q py TTT LURT F aq | FY at aweefauany feearty 

agar FY Ways Year| aa Await Wea aw fye- 
ate ware |i 

1870.] On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 253 

to Prajapati. As’valiyana says nothing of the three trenches, but 
takes the people at once to the river to bathe, where ‘‘ they im- 
merse themselves, and on rising throw a handful of water into the 
air while they pronounce the name of the deceased, and that of his 
family. They then get out of the water, put on dry clothes, and 
after once wringing those that they had on before, they spread 
them out towards the north, and sit down there themselves till the 
stars are seen. According to others, they do not go home before 
sun-rise. Then the young ones walk first, and the old ones last, 
and when they arrive at their home, they touch, by way of purify- 
ing themselves, ‘‘ the stone, the fire, cow-dung, grain, (tila seed,) oil 
and water before they step in.”* This part of the ceremony and 
the mourning which follows, have been described by Manu, 

 Yajnavalkya and others, and need not be further noticed. The 
Aranyaka is entirely silent on the subject. 

For the ceremony of burial, the first operation is, the collection of 
the half-burnt bones. This should be done according to As’valaéyana 
on the 11th, 13th or 15th day of the wane ; Baudhaydna enjoins the 
3rd, 5th or 7th from the day of cremation. The dates tritcyd, pan- 
chamé and saptami are, given in the feminine gender in the text, and 
cannot imply day, as in ordinary acceptance they indicate the age 
of the moon. As the ceremonies, however, of the tenth day are given 
in a subsequent part of the work, and the Prayoga noticed above 
names days, it is probable, that the morning of the 3rd, 5th or 
7th day is meant, the elipse in the sutra being supplied by the 
word ézthé in the sense of a day. The first act is to sprinkle milk and 
water on the cinders, and to strike on the heap with an udum- 
vara staff to separate the bones. This is done while repeating 
five mantras. The cinders are then collected and thrown to- 
wards the south side, leaving the bones behind. Three oblations 
are next offered to Agni with a sruva spoon. Thereupon the senior 
wife is to come forward, and, with two bits of red and blue strings 
to which a stone is tied, to draw out the bones with her left hand 
saying : ‘‘ Arise hence, and assume a (new) shape. Leave none of 
your members or your body behind. Repair to whichever place 
you wish ; may Savitd establish you there. This is one of your 

* Journal Royal As. Soc. xvi, 213, 

254 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. (No. 4, 

bones, be joined with the third (other bones) in glory ; having 
joined all the bones be handsome in person ; be beloved of the 
gods in anoble place.”* The bones should then be washed and 
deposited in an urn, or tied up in a piece of black antelope skin. 
The urn or bundle is then to be hung from the branch of a sami 
or palasa tree. Should the bones belong to a person who had per- 
formed a Soma sacrifice, they should be burnt again; otherwise 
they should be buried. For the latter purpose, an urn is absolutely 
necessary, and after placing the bones into it, it should be filled up 
with curds mixed with honey, and then covered over with grass: 
As‘valayana recommends an urn with a spout for females and one 
without it for males. Two mantras are given, one for pouring 
the mixture, and the other to be addressed to its droppings. 
Subsequently a proper place having been selected, a funeral pro- 
cession should proceed to it in the morning, and the chief mourner 
should begin the operations of the day by sweeping the spot with a 
piece of leather or a broom of palasa or sami wood. Then, yoking a 
pair of bullocks to a plough, he should dig six furrows running from 
east to west, and, saluting them with a mantra, deposit the 
urn in the central furrow. The bullocks should now be let loose 
by the south side, and water sprinkled over the place with an 
udumvara branch or from a jar. The covering of the urn is 
then removed, some aromatic herbs, sarvaushadhi, are put into the 
urn, and subsequently closed with pebbles and sand ; each of the 
operations being performed while repeating an appropriate mantra. 
A mantra should likewise be pronounced for every one of the opera- 
tions which follow, and these include, first, the putting of bricks 
around the urn; 2nd, the throwing thereon some sesamum seed 
and fried barley ; 3rd, placing some butter on an unbaked plate on 
the south side; 4th, spreading there some darbha grass ; 5th, sur- 
rounding the tumulus with a palisade of palasa branches, and 6th, 
crowning the whole by sticking on the top a flowering head of the 
nala reed—arundo karka. The operator then anoints his body with 

* efieteqay ace We WFAaST ATIC | Ba WA BUS a 
ae aa a ea aaa SUG | Tem AAT Va wR ealaa Sia 
ifaw | dauqaaa setty ar earat TCH Tea 

1870.|] _ On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 255 

old ghi, and, without looking at the urn, places it on the spread 
grass, invokes the manes, wipes the urn with a bit of old rag, 
sprinkles some water with an udumvara branch, or from a Jar, 
having covered his own person with an old cloth, and then buries 
the urn with bricks laid over it. 

Some charu rice is then cooked, sanctified by a mantra, and while 
the chief mourner repeats five others, is put on the five sides of the 
urn. Sesamum seed and barley are now scattered around, some herbs 
put on the mound and more bricks added. Water should subse- 
quently be sprinkled on the place, a prayer should be addressed to 
the gods, a branch of the varuna tree and a lot of brick-bats, a sami 
branch and some barley, should be placed on the mound, and the 
dead be invoked to translate himself to whichever region he likes. 
“‘Go to the earth, go to the void above, go to the sky, go to the 
quarters, go to heaven ; go, go to heaven, go to the quarters, go to 
the sky, go to the void above, go to the earth, or go to the waters, 
wherever embodied thou canst live with the good and in peace.”’* 

A few holes being now dug round the mound, the ceremony of 
burial is completed. The operations, it will be seen, though oft- 
repeated and tedious, are of the simplest kind possible ; the prayers 
are throughout addressed for the sensuous enjoyment and ease of 
the dead, and no where is any indication given of a desire for spi- 
ritual benefit, liberation from the wheel of transmigration, salva- 
tion or beatitude. ven sin is lightly looked upon, and the prayer 
for redemption from it, is slight and casual. The whole ceremony 
is of the most primitive type, and bespeaks an epoch of remote 
antiquity. It is worthy of note also that the double ceremonial of 
first incineration and subsequent burial, was common among the 
Greeks, Romans and other ancient Aryan races, and that in the 
fifth century before Christ, the remains of S’akya Buddha were dis- 
posed of in the same way. 

The last ceremony I have to notice is called s’antikarma or riteg 
for the well-being of the living. It should be performed on the 

*sfadt aarafcd ae fed we fate gare gare fer 
we fed weriftd ay sfest aan a ae aie aa a feaaraits 
gfafast WAT: II 

256 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus.  [No. 4, 

morning following the ninth night after death, 7. ¢., on the tenth 
day. This is an addition to the shaving and paring of nails and 
bathing, which are enjoined by medieeval and modern Smritikaras, 
and are still current. As’valayana recommends that this should be 
performed on the burning-ground on the 15th of the wane, 7. ¢., on 
the day of the new moon. But our text fixes the day, and leaves it 
optional with the mourners to select any place out of a town, 
whether it be a burning ground or not, that may be convenient. The 
relatives by blood both male and female, having assembled, a fire 
should be lighted, and they should be requested to sit down on a 
bullock-hide of a red colour spread on the ground, with its neck-side 
facing the east, and its hairs directed towards the north. The re- 
quest should be made in the following words: ‘‘ Ascend on this life- 
giving (skin), as you wish to live to a decrepit old age. According 
to your seniority attempt carefully to abide on it. May the well- 
born and well-adorned fire of this ceremony bestow long life on 
you. Even as days follow days, and seasons are attached to seasons ; 
even as the young forsake not their elders, may Dhata so prolong 
the life of these (people) according to their age.’’* The assembly 
being thereupon seated, the chief mourner offers four oblations to 
the fire with a spoon made of varuna wood. ‘The relatives 
then rise up, and placing themselves on the north of the fire, 
and facing the east, recite a mantra, while touching a red bull. 
The women are then requested to put on collyrium with these 
words—“ Let these women, who are not widowed, who have good 
husbands, apply the collyrious butter to their eyes; without tears, 
without disease, worthy of every attention, let these wives enter the 
house.”’} The collyrium should be made of a substance called traika- 
kuda which is brought from the Trikakut or triple humped peak of 
the Himalaya, meaning evidently the sulphuret of antimony or sur- 

* SUSaastd BUT BAYT aaararafas | Z¥ wer gafaar 
GUA AAT: ATY stae F Il 

ausryags water Guna wgiwat Aa | Va aq Yeager 

+ xa rochass: gratis wiew sae | Wea Saale 

1870. | On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Mindus. 257 

ma of the Indian bazars. It should be applied with the three central 
unexpanded leaves of the kusa grass which are thin, pliant, and 
pointed, like a camel hair brush, and answer the purpose better 
than the iron or stone style or bodkin which up-country women now 
use. The leaves being afterwards thrown away on a bundle of that 
grass, while repeating a mantra, the party proceed towards the east, 
leading the bull and saying: ‘‘ These men, forsaking the dead, are 
returning. This day we invoke the gods for cur good, for success 
over enemies, and for our merriment. We proceed eastward, having 
well sustained long lives.’’* 

The last of the party, who is the chief mourner, should then 
recite another mantra, and with a sami branch efface the foot- 
marks of the bull that precedes the party. On the departure of the 
last man, the Adhvaryu should place a circle of stones behind him 
as a wall to prevent death overtaking those that have gone forward, 
praying—‘‘I place this circle (ef stones) for the living; may we 
and others not go beyond it in mid-life; may we all live a hundred 
autumns, driving death away by this heap.”’{ The party then 
repair to the house of the chief mourner and feast on kid and 
barley, cooked for the purpose. Separate mantras are given for 
the eating of the two articles. 

The most important of all the mantras above quoted, is the one 
which is intended as a direction to women to put on collyrium. It 
was first translated by Colebrooke, in 1795, as “ the only Vaidik au- 
thority for the rite of Sati.” Before him the compiler of the 
twenty-eight Smritis had quoted it for the same purpose, and no 
doubt thousands over thousands of deluded women, in the moment 
of their greatest grief, have been sent to the blazing pyre with this 

* caste fe wauaatraugal crete Gy! TNgIsMTAT ay 

This verse, in the original, occurs a little before the one about the applica- 
tion of the collyrium. I have displaced it for the sake of consistency. 

~ 5 = = CaENiae . = 
+ <H site: afchy carla aT AISI Bead | wel Stay 
a EN C, nN on 

ACE: GEqiaqu BY eae 4g Il 

Most of the mantras quoted above occur in the 10th Mandala of the Rig 
Veda, but their readings there are different, and they do not appear in the same 
order. Wilson’s translations thereof do not, therefore, in many essential parti- 
culars, correspond with what I have given above. Vide Journal R. As. Soe, 
XVI, 201-2. 


258 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. [No. 4, 

miserable passport to heaven. Dr. Wilson was the first to suspect, 
in 1856, im a paper published im the Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society (Vol. xvi, p. 201), that ‘‘it had reference to some procession, 
one possibly accompanying the corpse, but had nothing whatever to 
do with consigning live females to the fire ;” and, for a guess, it was 
as close as it well could be. The late Sir Rij&é Radhdkanta Deva 
wrote a reply to this paper, in 1858, and in 1867, in a foot-note 
about three times larger than the paper to which itis attached, a 
writer, in the same periodical, (Vol. II, N.S. pp. 184-191,) entered 
into an elaborate verbal and punctilious criticism, but the cere- 
mony for which the stanza was intended or to which it was applied, 
was left undetermined. In Raji Rédhakénta’s letter to Dr. Wil- 
son, a quotation was given from the Sitras of Bharadvaja which 
gave the real clue to it, but none noticed it at the time. The 
true bearing is now made manifest, for, I believe, few will ven- 
ture to question the authority of Baudhéyana in suck a matter. 
His words are—athatdh patnayo nayane sarpisha sammris anti : ‘* Now 
these women smear their eyes with butter.” Bharadvaja says, 
strinam anjalishu sampétanavanayatimanaririti: ‘ For placing of 
the sampata in the hands of the women the mantra Jima ndréh, 
&c.” According to As’valayana, the verse should be repeated by 
the chief mourner when looking at the women after they have ap- 
plied the collyrium ; ima ndriravidhavah supatnirityanjand tksheta. 
This difference is due evidently to the authors belonging to 
different sdkhds. Anyhow, it is abundantly clear that the verse 
was not intended to recommend self-immolation, but to be addressed 
to female mourners, wives of kinsmen, haviuvg their husbands living, 
not the widow, to put on collyrium, or to look at them after 
the operation. The Prayogakdara says, tatah sampatapatramada- 
ya sabhatrikastrindm anjalishu sampétam avanayate, “ then taking the 
sampata patra he places it on the hands of the women who have 
husbands, with the mantra imah, ec.” 

The reading of the stanza appears differently in different recen- 
sions. According to Raghunundana, as given in the Serampur 
edition of his works, and m my MS. it is as follows :— 

car aititfasa: saeltayaat Vast dfaweT | 

1870.] On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 259 

Colebrooke’s version, apparently taken down from hearsay, has— 
<a aay afsaar galt saaa aieer dfawn fea 

Professor Wilson’s reading, quoted from the tenth Mandala of 
the Rig Veda, differs materially from these ; it runs thus: 

<a TOtfsea: gealtisa aioe dias 

Dr. Max Miiller accepts this reading, correcting only suratndro- 
haunt into suratua a rohantu. Our text, as quoted on page 256 and 
founded upon six manuscripts and the concurrent testimony of the 
Sutrakaras, differs in one important particular. It replaces the 
jast word of the first line, saivis’antu, usually translated “let them 
enter,” by sammris’antu, ‘let them smear.” It changes also suratnd 
“well ornamented,” inte sus’éva “well served” er ‘ worthy of 
every attention.” 

With such differences in the text, it is not- to be wondered at 
that the English renderings which have been, from time to time, 
published, should be markedly different. Colebrooke was the 
first to take the stanza in hand, and he translated it into—‘‘ Om. 
Let these women, not to be widowed, good wives, adorned with 
collyrium, holding clarified butter, consign themselves to the fire. 
Immortal, not childless, nor husbandless, well adorned with gems, 
let them pass into fire, whose original is water.”* Ward, Mac- 
naughten, Ramamohana Raya and others have adopted this reading, 
and giver translations more er less different from each other. 
But as the reading itself has not yet been traced to any authentie 
MS. of the Vedas, it may be dismissed without further notice. 

Wilson’s translation runs thus: ‘‘ May these women, who are 
not widows, who have good husbands, who are mothers, enter 
with unguents and clarified butter: without tears, without sorrow, 
let them first go up into the dwelling.”{ Max Miiller’s rendering 
is nearly thesame. He writes— 

“Es treten ein die Frawn, mit Ocl und Butter, 
Nicht Witwen sie, nein, stolz auf edle Manner. 

Die Miitter gehn zuerst hinauf zur Stitte, 

In schénem Schmuck und obne Leid und Thranen,’ 

* As. Researches, IV, p. 213. ¥ Journal Ki. As. Soc. XVI, p. 202. 
{ Acitschrift, Band, 1X, p. XXV, 

260 On the Huneral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. [WNo. 4, 

The writer of the foot-note above alluded to, adopts Max Miiller’s 
reading, but attempts to improve upon his translation by the fol- 
lowing :—‘‘ Let these women, unwidowed, having good husbands, 
and with anointing butter on their cyes, enter their houses. Let the 
mothers, untearful, unmiserable, possessed of excellent wealth, go 
up to the house first.” He adds ‘‘I have here followed Sayana, 
save in not rendering Bt Cre by “approach,” qraraqeq. What is 
meant by alfa, Sayana’s “‘ house,” is not obvious.’”’* 

The most material error in the above translations is due to 

Sayana. That great commentator, when he took up the Rig Veda, 
depended more upon the lexicographic meanings of words than 
upon the relation of the mantras to the ceremonials of the Yajur 
Veda, and hence many discrepancies are to be met with between 
his interpretations and those of the aneient Sittrakdéras, and some- 
times in his own interpretations of the same verse in the Rig, Yajur 
and the Sama Vedas. Nowhere is this more prominently apparent 
than in his commentary on the stanza under notice, in the Rig and 
the Yajur Vedas. When he met with it in the former, he wrote: 

zat mifefa | sfewar: wa: ufa: wfenagfaan sttagqear 
SUE | Wat Waar Tal A: aay BIaaaA aaa SATA sT 
atu wat Baas: ve: dfn wave sie aa waas Bz 
afaran seca watita water Taras fsrar arareeraatsaat Tae | 
Ota UWeaasasfear | wae aaqewsatate wear wrsg| at 
wa wast waWa wa Ais ws | BU waa! eaufea: sa- 
Waele AGA Wee ea Baas 

Subsequently, with the light of Baudhayana, Bharadvaja and 
Hiranyakes’i, he perceived the true bearing of the stanza, and then 
interpreted it thus :— 

‘cata’ wafers, “afaua: Suacfean, ‘grat’ swarufa- 
Za UE, Sse weaega, afew’, aes? gait deer | 
‘sara? Bethea, “waata? Cativar, ewan’ ys afag aranr:, 
‘saa? STAT, Wa’ Ta at, aria? Gera, “TCS” STASI II 

That the last is the most consistent rendering may be “accepted 
without hesitation. 

* Journal R. As. Soc., N. 8., Vol. III, p. 185, 

1870.] On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 261 

The meaning of the stanza, word for word, would be amdh ‘‘these,”’ 
nirth irregular plural nominative of dri, “woman,” alluding to 
the ladies of the kinsmen who have assembled at the ceremony ; the 
regular form is ndryah. The women have for epithets, avidhavdh 
“‘not widows,” or ‘‘unwidowed,” and supatnz, ‘having good 
husbands,” (swpatc). Those who apply the stanza to concre- 
mation explain the first word by ‘‘ not to be widowed,” a 
meaning which it cannot be made to bear, there being neither any 
rule nor analogy to support it. The next word dnjanena is an 
adjective qualifying sarpishd, both in the instrumental case, mean- 
ing ‘‘ with collyrious butter.” . The next word ndyane is in the 
locative case—‘‘ on the eye.” The verb necessary for these ele- 
ments should be one which means ‘‘ applying or ‘ smearing,” 
and this is what we have in sammrisantdm, ‘‘ let smear,’’ from 

the root mris’ ‘to smear.” The Rig Vedic reading saivis’untu, 

from the root vis’ “to enter,” 

can have no relation to the instru- 
mental, except as entering with the butter applied to the eye, 
in which case the ordinary plan would be to convert the instru- 
mental and the locative into one epithet, serving as an adjective 
to the nominative, women. It is therefore probable that the root 
vis’ had, in ancient times, the meaning of decorating or putting 
on, as we have now the same root used to indicate ‘ dressing,” 
ves a, whence ves/yaé ‘‘ a woman who lives by her dress,—a harlot.’ 
Yaska adopts this meaning when he includes ves'-at? among the 
verbs for ornamentation, kintikarma. Sayana, not perceiving this 
when he commented on the Rig Veda, took the word in its ordinary 
signification, and so interpreted the stanza as to make the women 
first enter their own houses—sagrihan prwis'antu, and subsequently 
the house ‘jonz’ of the chief mourner ; in so doing he had to supply 
what he supposed was an elipse, and entirely to mislead his 
readers. The new reading of the word in the Aranyaka now leaves 
no doubt on the subject. 

The words of the second line anas’ravah “ tearless,”’ anamivdh 
“ diseaseless’” or free from pain either of body or mind, (it has 
been loosely rendered in one of the above quotations by ‘‘ not 
miserable,”’) sus'evdh ‘ well served,” all refer to, and are epithets of, 
jJanayah “ wives” which follows. In the Rig Veda the last epithet is 

262 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. [WNo. 4, 

changed to suratnah “ well ornamented” without in any way altering 
the construction. The verb is drohantu ‘let ascend” or “ proceed,” 
and agrees with the nominative janayah “‘ wives.” The dative is jonim 
‘‘ to house” in the singular, the house of the chief mourner, where 
they are to partake of a feast, and not that of the females. The 
last word agre, ‘ first or foremost” is an adverb qualifying the verb 

The words dujanena sarpisha have confounded all the Huropean 
translators. Wilson has rendered them into ‘‘ unguents and 
butter,” and Max Miller into ‘“‘oel und butter.” One has dropt 
the word dzyjanena and used only ‘‘ butter ;” he is particular in re- 
minding his readers that he has followed Sayana, but his assurance 
must be received with some reservation, for the gcholiast neither 
omits the first word nor is remiss in explaining it; his words are 
anjana-sidhanena sarpisha ‘‘ with butter for making collyrium” or 
anjanahetuna sarpisha ‘‘ with butter the source of collyrium,” that 
is, as I have rendered, ‘“ with collyrious butter, or collyrium made 
of butter,” the other element of the unguent being, as stated 
ina subsequent mantra, a mineral of the name of tratkakuda, 
which I guess to be sulphuret of antimony or swrmda. The object 
of the mantra is to prohibit the use of the ordinary collyrium, which 
is differently made. The usual practice to this day is to smear a 
little butter or oil in the bowl of a spoon, and to hold it over a 
lamp, so that a quantity of lamp-black may be deposited on it, and 
when the two are mixed together with the fingers, they constitute 
the collyrium. ‘The sulphuret is still used in the North-West 

The second mantra to which I wish to draw the attention of the 
reader is the one with which a brother, student, or servant of 
the deceased is to remove the widow from the pyre ; inasmuch 
as it clearly shows that the widow at the time was not burnt, but 
taken to abide in the land of the living, and to marry if she liked. 
That the removal was positive and final, and not nominal, is evi- 
dent from the rules of the Stitrakaras. Baudhayana says, ‘‘ He 
who approaches her should, holding her by the left hand, take her 

up,’ tan pratigatah savye pandvabhipadyotthapayatc. Thisis done 

after obtaining the permission of the deceased by a formal mantra, 

1870.| On tho Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. 263 

ante p. 247, andon the 8rd, 5th or 7th day after the cremation, the 
widow, or the eldest widow, if there should happen to be more 
than one, is expected to go to the burning ground and collect 
the bones of the dead with her left hand. As’valayana is 
equally precise, and adds that, should the widow be removed 
by an old servant, the chief mourner should repeat the mantra, 
(Karita vrishale japet, Stra, 4.2 19). The author of the Prayoga, 
it is true, takes this direction to apply to pregnant women only who 
should not be burnt alive, but his authority in such a case is of 
little value, when opposed to that of the oldest Stitrakaras, and 
the evident purport of the mantra. It may be also observed that 
the widow is to take away the gold, bow and jewel, which are 
put into the hands of the Brahman, Kshetriya and Vaisya dead 
respectively—with which, according to a subsequent mantra, she 
is to live in wealth, splendour and glory in the society of the 
remover, in this world, and this she could not do, if she were 
immolated. , 

The mantra, as given in our text, ante page 248, is slightly 
different from a similar stanza in the second S’ukta of the second 
Anuyika of the 10th Mandala of the Rig Veda, and quoted by 
Wilson and Max Miiller in the papers above alluded to ; the words 
étasu and abhisambabhuva of our text being replaced by gatdsu and 
ablisambabhutha. The words, however, are synonymous, and there- 
fore the difference is of no moment. The second word, a verb, is, in 
the Rig Veda, in the third person, dual irregular, having for its no- 
minative tvav ‘‘ thou,” understood, and in our text it is in the third 
person singular, both may therefore be taken as Vedic peculiarities. 

The most important word in the mantra is didhishu, which Saya- 
na, when commenting on the Rig Veda, took to imply impregnation 
didhishoh garbhasya nidhitoh. In the Aranyaka he accepts it in 
its ordinary well-established dictionary meaning of a man ‘ who 
marries a widow’ or ‘the second husband of a woman twice 
married,” as Wilson gives it. The result is a material differ- 
ence in the meaning. ‘The version given by Wilson is as 
follows :—‘ Rise up, woman, come to the world of living beings, 
thou sleepest nigh unto the lifeless. Come: thou hast been asso- 
ciated with maternity through the husband by whom thy hand 

264 On the Funeral Ceremonies of the ancient Hindus. | No. 4, 

was formerly taken.”* Max Miiller’s reading is closely similar. 
He writes— 

“ Steh auf, o Weib ! Komm zuder Welt des Lebens ! 

Du schlifst bei einem Todten—Komm hernieder ! 

Du bist genug jetzt Gattin ihm gewesen, 

Ihm, der Dich wihlte und zur Mutter machte.}” 

In our version, following Sayana’s second and more recent com- 
mentary, we take the word hastagrdbhasya ‘* of him who holds thy 
hand,” and the other predicates in the present tense, and the didhi- 
shu inits erude sense, and apply them to the party who holds the 
widow’s hand while lying on the pyre. This appears the most con- 
sistent and in keeping with the whole ceremony, and therefore 
preferable to referring them to the dead. The only objection 
to this reading is to be found in the fact that the verb is in 
the past perfect tense, but seeing that Panini has laid down more 
than one special rule for the use of the past for the imperative 
(Linarthe let 3, 4, 7, &c.), and Sayana has accepted the same, it is 
perfectly immaterial. In a pamphlet on the impropriety of widow 
marriage, lately published by some of the Professors of the Benares 
Sanskrit College, the word jévalokam “ the world of living beings” 
has been rendered by martyalokdt anyam, ‘ other than the region of 
mortals,’ but such a meaning is not admissible either by any posi- 
tive rule or by analogy. Sdyana renders it, in one place, by—‘ the 
region of the living sons and grandsons,” yivanam putrapautradinam 
dokam, and in another, by “ aiming at the region of the living crea- 
tures,” givantam prénisamthamabhilakshya. Other interpretations 
of the Professors are equally open to question, but it is not neces- 
sary to notice them. That the re-marriage of widows in Vedic times 
was a national custom can be easily established by a variety of 
proofs and arguments; the very fact of the Sanskrit language 
having, from ancient times, such words as didhishu, “ aman that 
has married a widow,” parapurva ‘a woman that has taken a second 
husband,” paunarbhava, ‘‘ son of a woman by her second husband,” 
are enough to establish it ; but it would be foreign to the subject 
of this paper to enter into it here. 

* Journal, R As. Soc., XVI, p. 202, 
y+ Zeitschrift, TX, p. vi. 

1870. ] 265 

Some Account of the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir.—By Lrnvut.-Cou. 
D. J. F. Newatt,.R. A. 

J have already in a paper on the Hindu pilgrimages of Kash- 
mir* alluded to the fact of many shrines being equally held in 
reverence by the Hindi and Muhammadan, and have stated as the 
reason that the fragments of overthrown or ruined Hindi temples 
had been used in the construction of the Moslem Zidrats or Mosques, 
and also that the Kashmir Muhammadan in some degree still 
clings to the superstitions of his Hindd ancestors. As an illustra- 
tion of this assertion, I now proceed to give some account of an 
order of recluses which in the earlier years of the Muhammadan 
occupation of Kashmir attained considerable celebrity in the Mos- 
lem world, I mean the order of ‘‘ Rishis’” or ‘‘ Hermits,’’ who 
from about A. H. 782 [A. D. 13880], when the celebrated Say- 
yid ’Ali Hamadani, and his son Mir Muhammad Hamadani, fugi- 
tives from Persia, appeared in Kashmir, and began to attract pro- 
selytes from amongst the various native religious sects existing at 
the period in Kashmir. Abul Fazl records that in his time 45 
places of worship existed to Siva, 64 to Vishnu, 38 to Brahma, 22 
to Budha, together with nearly 700 figures of serpent gods, in Kash- 
mir; and these numbers may be taken approximately to represent 
the religion of the country at the period of Muhammadan usurp- 
ation. Note that the worship of the Zree and Serpent, that mystic and 
primitive form of superstition, entered largely into the character of 
the religion, and may have in its sylvan proclivities in some degree 
influenced these Muhammadan Rishis or Hermits in the solitudes. 
I would further add that the tendency to seclusion so characteristic 
of Budhism may have also influenced these solitaires. We have 
an instance of the cave of Bhima Devi (near Martund),{+ formerly 
the residence and burying-place of the ascetic king Areer Rhye, 
who lived about A. D. 330, being adopted for a similar purpose by 
Muhammadan faqirs in modern times, and the tomb pointed 
out as that of Areer Rhyie, who was probably a convert to the 

* Vide Journal, As. Soc. Bengal, July, 1866. 

+ The small cave temple of Bhaumejo in the immediate vicinity is probably 
a Budhist temple attributed to Bhauma-jyotis—the planet Mars—as its tutelary 

“Rishi.” Vide Cunningham’s Hssay on the Arian Order of Architecture, p 251, 
and Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, 1848, p. 254. 


266 Some Account of the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir. (No. 4, 

Budhistie schism. The said tomb, however, is probably that of 
some more modern recluse. 

Deeply imbued with the cufism of the age and country from 
which they emigrated, these Sayyids and their followers seem to 
have imported into Kashmir the doctrines of the Shi’ah sect, 
and with them that tendency to mysticism and miracle making, 
so characteristic of the sect: perhaps also shocked at the 
tyranny and self-assertion of ‘Timur Lang (Tamerlane), at 
that time dominant in Central Asia, they may have sought 
refuge in the regions of abstract thought as a solace for the 
worldly repression under which they laboured. Be it observed that 
the human mind has ever tended towards mysticism and solitude 
at times when tyrants flourished, and in the present case, no doubt, 
the wrath of Timur had been aroused against these Sayyids, who 
perhaps may have attempted to usurp an independence of act 
and speech displeasing to a barbarous oriental conqueror. 

Be this as it may, they and their disciples appear to have found 
in Kashmir an apt soil in which to transplant their religious dogmas ; 
and in the succeeding years the remarkable sect of which I am 
about to attempt some short account arose from amidst them.* 

At page 6 of my “ Sketch of the Muhammadan History of Kashmir’ 
published in the Society’s Journal, September, 1854, I alluded to the 
Historian Muhammad ’Azim as the chief authority for the chro- 
nicles of this sect. They are also described in the pages of Firishtah 
and Abul Fazl as a very respectable order in their time (A. D. 
1600), some 2,000 in number, abstaining from luxury and sexual 
intercourse, living on berries and the wild fruits of the mountains, 
in the remote corners of which many of them had taken up their 
abodes for purposes of meditation and seclusion. In some instan- 
ces they had constructed shrines or zdrats, many of which remain 
to this day, attesting in their traditions their founders’ austerities 
and virtues, and forming local schools of holy men or priests, whose 
influence on the whole has been beneficial to the people, as pro- 
mulgating the principles of humanity and moral virtues, as contra- 

* The Tuzuk i Jahangiri also contains many facts deserving of attention 
regarding Kashmir hermits; but I have not consulted it in drawing up this 


1870.] Some Account of the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir. 267 

distinguished from the religious dogmas and propaganda of the 
Moslem faith. Before proceeding to enumerate a few of these 
worthies and their holy acts and miracles, real or pretended, as re- 
corded by the Historian Muhammad ’Azim, I must premise that 
Shihabuddin, fourth (or according to some, fifth) Muhammadan king 
of Kashmir, styled the Iconoclast, had died in the year 1376, A. D., 
and had been succeeded by his brother Qutbuddin, in whose reign 
the famous Sayyid ’Ali Hamadani alluded to above, arrived in 
Kashmir ; and his advent is recorded in the following couplet, which 
also contains the date (A. H. 782): 
gt Ral pe cake 5 So> 1) of aaie ev lw 

corresponding with A. D. 1380; but I find I had better quote from 
the pages of my Sketch of History before alluded to, to lead up to 
the enumeration of the worthies I have undertaken to describe. 

Page 6.‘ Sayyid ’ Ali Hamadant. This celebrated Sayyid was a 
fugitive from his native city, Hamadan, where he had incurred 
the wrath of Timur. Seven hundred Sayyids are said to have accom- 
panied his flight to Kashmir, where he remained six years, and 
which he named the Garden of Solomon (Bagh-i-Sulaimin), He 
died at Pak’hli whilst on his return to Persia (A. H. 786.) 

‘His son Mir Muhammad Hamadani was also a fugitive, and 
brought in his train three hundred Sayyids to Kashmir, where he 
remained twelve years. 

“These two emigrations of fugitive Sayyids fixed the religion of 
the country, and were doubtless the chief cause of the religious 
persecutions, which ensued in the following reign. They esta- 
blished shrines all over the country, many of which remain to 
this day. They originated the sect of rishis or hermits, which 
are described by Abul Fazl as a very respectable and in- 
offensive order in his time, some 2,000 in number, living upon 
fruits and berries and abstaining from sexual intercourse; their 
numbers, however, afterwards declined, until they were quite 
extinguished by the courtiers and creatures of the Emperors of 
Delhi. Muhammad ’Azim, the Historian, enumerates many wor- 
thies of this sect. + Gr Kashmir having been, previous 
to this influx of zealots, in a transition state as to religion, the 

268 Some Account of the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir. [No. 4, 

advent of a Muhammadan saint such as Sayyid ’Ali seems to have 
hailed with enthusiasm, and proselytism to have commenced in 
real earnest.” 

Previous to the advent of Sayyid ’Ali, however, the noted Faqir 
Bulbul Shah had appeared in Kashmir, and been instrumental in 
the conversion of Hanjpoi (or Ranji Shah) to Islam. He is famed 
as the first Moslem who appeared in Kashmir. His original name 
was Sayyid Sharafuddin, and he was so holy, that singing birds 
(bulbuls) are said to have nestled in his hair and beard. At his 
instigation, Ranju Shah is stated to have built the first mosque 
ever constructed in Kashmir. Bulbul Shah died in A. H. 727, ac- 
cording to the following distich— 

BI) (jel 205 pod aly BLA prea Ucy De Jl 
which corresponds with A. D. 1327. I scarcely, however, include 
the three above-named amongst the number of Rishis properly so 
called, and which I now proceed to enumerate. 

1. Shaikh Niruddin, whose ziarat is still extant in the Trahal 
pergunnah, is stated to have ‘repented’ at 30 years of age, and to 
have lived for twelve years in the wilderness, marvellously subsist- 
ing on grass. After that, he sustained life on one cup of milk 
daily, and finally reduced himself to water alone for 23 years, when 
he died. He was born in the reign of Qutbuddin, about the time 
of Sayyid ’Ali’s advent is Kashmir, as is expressly recorded in the 

2. Baba Pam Rishi (Father Grey Beard) was minister of Zain- 
ul-’dbidin. One day observing ants carrying grain to their 
stores, he fell into meditation, and became impressed with the ne- 
cessity of laying up stores for the ‘life to come,’ and accordingly 
renounced the world, and established his hermitage in the Bongil 
pergunnah, where his monastery is seen to this day, close under 
the lovely plain of Gul Murg. Itis an instance of the remark 
made in the preliminary paragraph of this paper as to the Moslem 
and Hindu being often seen worshipping together at the same 
shrine. It is a noted resort even now. 

3. Shamsuddin Rishi, of the Deosir pergunnah. 

4, Shakh Pir Baz, of Utterhail. 

1870.] Some Account of the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir. 269 

5. Raab-uddin, of Martund, was originally a soldier. 

6. Haidar But, of Lar pergunnah. 

7 and 8. Reygie Rishi and Nauriz Rishi. 

9. Babé Bamuddin. A Brahmin. His Hindi name was Boma Sadi. 

10. Shaikh Hamzah Makhdimi. His ztarat is on the Koh i 
Maran. He fiourished in the time of the Chaks. 

11. Sayyid Ahmad Kirmdni, and 

12. Sayyid Madinah (of that city), flourished in the time of Zain- 

18. Sayyid Muhammad Hicari, a Sayyid and follower of Mir Mu- 

hammad Hamadani. Of him is related the following story : ‘‘ Having 
fallen into a trance, a copious stream of water flowed down from 
his sleeves and garments. On enquiry as to this phenomenon, the 
Sayyid stated that one of his murtds (disciples) was on a voyage to 
Mecea; and that his ship was sinking, whereupon he had prayed 
to his Pir Murshid (spiritual director) for help ; which he (Sayyid 
Muhammad Higari) had accorded, having, in spirit, plunged into 
the water to his assistance ; hence the water from his garments. 

14. Sayyid Muhammad Nuiristant was distinguished in the build- 
ing of the Jami’ Masjid. It appears that the foundation kept 
sinking, and would not hold together, till this Sayyid appeared and 
personally applied to the work. He is also stated to have relieved 
indigent persons by converting a lump of clay into gold. 

15. Sayyid Muhammad Madan detected by intuition dishes com- 
posed of game improperly killed (not halal). 

16. Mir Husain Mantiqe (the logician), son of Sayyid Muhammad 
Amir Mantiqgi, went to visit the king (Zainul-’abidin), and found 
him surrounded by women and musicians; whereupon, being 
displeased, he plunged into a river of water and was apparently 
lost; but shortly afterwards on the king’s approaching his home, 
he saw the Sayyid calmly sitting reading. 

17. Babé Haji Adam. A companion of Shaikh Nuruddin. 
Produced salt by a miracle from the Pir Panjal. 

18. Nir Rishi. A miracle similar to that of the ‘ Loaves and 
Fishes” is recorded of this hermit. 

19. Bdba Latifuddin. Son of a chief of Murardwin. His 
name before conversion to Islam was Laddy Reyna. 

270 Some Account of the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir. (No. 4, 

20.  Nactruddin and 

21. Baba Qidmuddin. 

22. Baba Asmanuché gonyre. 

23. Hdfiz Fathullah Khikwanti. 

24. Raunt Baba. Lived to the age of 120, during 109 years 
of which he fasted (rozah) by day. 

25. Shaikh Hat U'tur. Went ona pilgrimage to Mecca. Ate 
nothing on the road. 

26. Baba Zain-uddin Rishi. His Gauma ah (cell) in the Khawlpaire, 
where a spring of water is said to have spontaneously gushed forth 
for his use. 

disciples of Shaikh Nuruddin. 

This brings me to the end of the notes I have taken on the sub- 
ject of the Hermits or Rishis of Kashmir, and I almost regret that 
my notes on the subject are so brief. 

Without having inaugurated much philosophy, or displayed 
marked learning, these holy men seem in the main to have been 
actuated by motives of piety and a desire for moral advancement. 
We might smile at the weak credulity which has invested their 
memories with the attributes of superhuman wisdom and power, 
had we not parallel examples in sects of our own faith, We may 
fairly credit to many of them lives of purity and moral excellence. 
Dwelling amidst scenes of natural beauty and grandeur, the wild 
freshness of nature seems to have touched their hearts with some- 
thing of its kindred influences. In them far beyond most orientals, 
do we recognise some germ of the romantic spirit of the north 
and love of the picturesque, which we fail to trace in the southern 
Shemitic races, but gleams of which sometimes crop out in the 
Tatar and Mughul tribes. To complete this fragmentary sketch, 
views of the localities and zdrats alluded to would be requisite, 
as tending to shew the picturesque solitudes into which the 
musing spirit of these recluses led them to wander. We need 
not wonder at the choice of such retreats by calm and God-fearing 
men, where amidst some of the most glorious scenery this earth 
contains, they could taste of simple pleasures, exercise free thought, 
and ‘look from nature up to nature’s God.’ 

Forest of Kiyear, Chumba, June, 1870. 

1870.] 271 

Facsimiles of several Autographs of Jahangir, Shihjahin, and Prince 
Dara Shikoh, together with Notes on the Literary Character aut the 
Capture and Death of Dira Shikoh.— By 1. Buocumann Esa., M. A., 
Assistant Professor, Calcutta Madrasah. 

(With a Plate.) 

Nos. 1. and 2. (Plate XIII, 1 and 2.) Autographs of the Emperors 
Jahangw and Shaljahén. 

The splendid MS. on the fly-leaf of which these two autographs 
stand, belongs to Baba Pratapa Chandra Ghosh, Assistant Secretary, 
Asiatic Society, and was described in the Proceedings of the Society, 
for July, 1865, p. 190, where the text and translation will be found, 
together with a remark on the historical value of Shahjahan’s 
autograph. | 

The facsimiles of the plate are perfect and resemble the original 
in the minutest particulars. 

The MS. has at the end the following remark— 

(sic) Glolelt GIS SUBLAS) Cole po Gadel! ya2Ql oast! oy (cle e45 
Wists Fiblsjec Ghldt we lhl aS abet Jord 
Bilblec 480 clei Via sole pyattors Globes Colt sf Gums 
deity Ces os 8025 55 Unty! (9 Sila! 9 85 celled} cst® (sll 
; I Lyte: fol SI lexmd g 
from which it will appear that the book was copied in the end 
of Zi Qa’dah, 945 (April, 1539, A. D.) at Bukh4ra, during the reign 
of Abul Ghazi Sultan ’Abdul ’Aziz Bahadur. 

On the other fly-leaf there are numerous signatures of Libra- 
rians and officers who inspected the Imperial Library ; hence the 
frequent 80% 8045 (2,2, “are didahshudah, ‘inspected.’ The term wos 
WS, ’arz didan, which means to ¢nspect, to muster, if not a usual 
phrase, appears to have been the technical term used at the Mughul 
Court ;and if MSS. have on their fly-leaves the words 8 803932 )°, 
they are sure to have once belonged to the Imperial Library. 

Jahangir’s spelling pips, for agt, is unorthographical. 

The value of the MS. was fixed at 8000 Rupees. 

In the Tuzuk 1 Jahdangiri (Sayyid Ahmad’s edition, p. 81), mention 
is made of another master-piece of the same calligrapher, which 
was valued at 1000 goldmuhurs (9000 Rupees)— 

272 Fucsimiles of several Autographs of Jahdagir, Se. [No. 4, 

«The Khan Khandn presented [in 1019, A. H.] a copy of Jémi’s 
Yusuf Zalikha, in the handwriting of Mir ’Ali, illustrated and gild- 
ed, bound in gold, a most splendid copy. Its price is one thousand 


This MS. was evidently the fellow to Baba Prat&pa Chandra 
Ghosh’s MS. : 

No. 8. Another autograph of Shahjahan. 

r E 
8pm call 8% yo dojlas wil eh ols docligls ols 
cyte slats ST Gd 8b gly tiles w Ble yly | lee gla 

The ae “aolinien of the Padishéahnamah which belongs to this adorer of 
God’s throne. Written by Shahjahan ealienglh, son of Jahangir Padishah, son 
of Akbar Padishéh i Ghazi. 

The MS. on the first page of which this autograph is written, 
belongs to the Asiatic Society, Bengal, (Persian MSS., No. 71). 

The autograph contains a correction indicated by the letters 

fe (mugaddam) and ¢ é (muakhkhar) above the first three words. The 
first word should stand second. It also shews that Shahjahan called 
the book Pddishahnimah, and not Bddshahndmah., 

The similarity between autographs 2 and 8 is striking, and 
proves the genuineness of either. The former looks more flow- 
ing than the latter. Shahjahén was born A. H. 1000; hence he 
was 36 [solar] years old when he wrote the first (A. H. 1037), The 
2nd Volume of the Padishahnamah ends with 1057 A. H. ; thus when 
Shahjahan wrote No. 3, he must have been older than 56 years, 

4, An autograph of Prince Dard Shikoh. 

slet 92 
Sy wy ales Lo ghho 
widut Se bs! 
B—Xo Hyly Soe” SeSf) 
He is the Sovereign ! 

The Masnawi of Sultan Walad, in his own handwriting. 
The writer of these words is Muhammad Dara Shikoh. 

The MS. on the fly-leaf of which this autograph is found, belongs 
to the Government of India, and was noticed in the Proceedings of 
the Society for August, 1870, p. 251 

1870. ] The Literary Character of Dard Shikoh. 273 

The Literary Character of Dérd Shikoh. 

A particular interest attaches to the religious views and the 
literary character of Daré Shikoh. Aurangzib calls him an atheist, 
and the historians of his reign look upon his sentence of death as a 
service rendered to Islam. But from his works, it is clear that 
Dara was no atheist, but had a strong leaning to Cufism and natural 
religion. With the Cifis he shared the belief that the ordinances 
of the Prophet are excellent for the unthinking masses: think- 
ing places a man above the ceremonial law, and renders him free 
(azdd). But the thinking man, whilst standing above the ceremo- 
nial law, is not necessarily opposed to it ; in his search for truth he 
has reached a stage where revealed religion and its commands no 
longer apply to him. Hence it is unnecessary that he should formally 
renounce Islam; he may even outwardly conform to its ordinan- 
ces. As far as he is concerned, Islam stands on a level with all other 
religions, e. g., Hinduism, the study of the philosophy of which ceases 
to be objectionable, and may even lead to further emancipation of 
thought.* Hence Dara Shikoh devoted his zeal to the translation 
of the Upanishads into Persian, and wrote at the same time his 
Safinat-ulauliya, a biographical work on the lives of Muhamma- 
dan Saints. In style and arrangement, his book does not differ 
from similar works written by pious Muhammadans. Another book 
composed by Dara Shikoh, treats of the principles of Cafism.t The 
latter work only possesses a historical interest as being written by 
a Prince of Dihli. In the former work, the Safinah, Dard Shikoh 
ealls himself Muhammad Déra Shikoh i Hanafi i Qidiri, to shew 
that he was a Hanafi Sunni and a follower of the great orthodox 
Saint ’Abdul Qadir of Gilan, whose disciples form the Qadiriyah 
Sect. The only MS. which I have seen, belongs to the Government 
of India, and was written in 1151, the 21st year of Muhammad Shéh. 
It contains 216 leaves, 15 lines per page, and is very worm-eaten. 
It begins with an alhamdu lilldii, &e. The next sentence is— 

olrS ols] CS s Ald ore rte GIS 4 leat deySl aay bol 
z ws} cel uo _ygbl eles csladsl wlolre elel xyjto0 9 

* Bernier (Calcutta Edition, I, p. 326) also speaks of Dara’s close intimacy 

with the Jesuit Father Buzée. 

+ MSS. are rare. The only one I have seen is preserved among the Delhi 
MSS. belonging to the Government of India. Its title is Risdlah ¢ Hagq-numd. 


274 The Capture and Death of Dara Shikoh. [ No. 4, 

Although the circumstances and the miracles of the Lord of mankind [the 
Prophet], and the excellent qualities of his companions, and of the twelve 
Imams, and the sayings of the Saints, are clearer than day light, &c. 

The books ends with the following sentence — 

cect Huds LIT Gills Gly! so bd 9 yen ce ylly claiins st 

# tot gly Fas fore a ex | % Oda 

If there should be an error or mistake in this book {for man may err), the 
learned are requested to cover it with the hem of correction, Praise be to 
God, praise for now and ever. 

In the Khazinat ul Acfid ( 20d) &4,8 ),* a very full compilation 
in Persian of biographical notes on Muhammadan Saints by Mufti 
Ghulim Sarwar of Lahor, there is a short notice of Muhammad 
Dara Shikoh i Qadiri (p. 163). Besides the Saftnat-ulaulia and 
the Risdlah 1 Hag-numda, the author mentions four other works com- 
posed by Daré,—1. The Sakinat-ulaulia ; 2. The Strr ¢ akbar ; 38. 
The Diwdn i Iksir « A’zam; and 4. The Risilahi Ma arif. 1 
have not seen MSS. of these works. From an extract given by 
Ghulam Sarwar (p. 162), I conclude that the Sakinah, like the 
Safinah, contains biographical notes on Saints. The titles of the 
other three works imply that the contents are Cufistic. 

The interest which Dara took in the lives and the views of 
Muhammadan Saints is very conspicuous in the Safinah. He 
made it a point to visit their dargahs, and has thus been enabled, 
in several cases, to give valuable historical details. Thus on a 
visit to Ghazni, he took occasion to visit the tomb of the renowned 
poet and saint Hakim Sandi, and he states in the Safinah that the 
epitaph shewed Sanai’s death to have occurred in 525, A. H. The 
year of Sanai’s death is variously given in works on Persian Litera- 

The Capture and Death of Dara Shikoh. 

The sad fate of Prince Dara Shikoh deserves to be noticed. It 
- created so much pity at the time, that the people of Dihli for once 

* Lithocraphed at Lahor, A. H. 1284- Royal 8vo., 1072 pages text, and 18 
pages Index. There exists at present no other compilation that is so full of 
notes on Indian Saints and their Dargdhs. 

Mufti Ghulam Sarwar has also published another Persian book, entitled 
Ganj i Tarikh, which contains upwards of fifteen hundred T'drikhs of Muham- 

madan celebrities. Lithographed at Lahor, Kohi Nar Press, Royal 8vo,, 256 
pages, no index. 

1870. ] The Capture and Death of Dara Shikoh. 275 

went into rebellion, instead of mutely looking, as had been their 
custom, on the atrocities which they called “ decrees of fate,” 

The principal events of his capture and death are known from 
the European Histories; but the following particulars may assist 
future Historians in giving a more correct description of Dara’s fate. 

Aurangzib defeated Dara Shikoh in two battles. The first was 
fought on the 6th Ramazin 1068, or 28th May, 1658, A. D., at 
Samogar (Sse), 9 miles east of Agrah in the perganah of Fatha- 
bad ; and the second, on the 27th and 28th Jumada II, 1069, or 
12th and 18th March, 1659, A. D., at Deora ( \ys49 ), which lies 3 hos 
south of Ajmir. Dara fled on the evening of the second day, ac- 
companied by his son, Sipihr Shikoh, and a courtier of the name 
of Firizi Mewati. Dara’s wife and daughter, under the charge 
Khwajah Ma’qil, waited, far from the scene of the battle, at And« 
sagar Talao, in the neighbourhood of Ajmir. As soon as the result 
of the battle was known, their Réjpit guards dispersed ; but some 
came back and plundered the elephants and the mules that were 
laden with treasure. Dara met his wife next day. 

After a flight of eight or nine days, Dira arrived at Ahmadabad 
in Gujrat. Finding no support, he fled to Kari, whence Kanji 
Koli (ce c=) guided him to Kachh. Here Gul Muhammad, 
whom Dara had made Faujdar of Strat, joined the Prince with 50 
horse and 200 footmen. But as the Rajah of Kachh would not take 
up his cause, Dara fled towards Bhakkar on the Indus, with the 
view of passing over Qandahar into Persia. 

From here the details of Dara’s flight and capture, as given in 
European Histories, differ materially from the Muhammadan sources 
from which they profess to be taken. Elphinstone says (fifth edi- 
tion, p. 609)— Dard pursued his way [from Kachh] towards Qanda- 
har, and reached the small territory of Jin or Juin, on the eastern 
frontier of Sindh. *** Dard’s wife died at thas place,.... and when 
the period of mourning permitted, he set out on prosecution of his jour- 
ney to the Indus. So also Marshman, who, however, adds that the 
chief of Jun was a Rajah, whilst Elphinstone correctly supposes 
that he was an Afghan. 

But the fact is that Dir4 crossed the Indus at Bhakkar, passed 
through the district inhabited by the Chandi tribe, where he and 

276 The Capture and Death of Dara Shikoh. [No. 4, 

his followers had to fight for their lives, and came to the territory of 
the Magasis, the chief (mérzé) of whom received him hospitably. 
The chief town of the Chandis is Chandia (also called Dehi Kot, 
Long. 67° 34, Lat. 27° 38}, and the district of the Magasis, an un- 
important Baluchi tribe, lies north of Chandia, Dara then direct- 
ed his march towards Dadar (Long. 67° 41’ ; Lat. 29° 26”), the Afghan 
chief of which, Malik Jiwan, lay under obligations to the prince. 
At Dadar, a town which is notoriously the hottest inhabited place 
on earth, Dara wished to rest from the fatigues of the journey. 
Malik Jiwan sent his headman Ayyub to receive him, and when the 
prince entered the territory of Dadar, he arrived himself, and 
took him to the town. Before they had entered Dadar, Dara’s 
wife died. The corpse was taken to Malik Jiwan’s residence, but 
as it had been her dying wish to be buried in Hindustani soil, Dara, 
‘‘ with a disregard of circumstances that looks like infatuation,” sent 
away Khwajah Ma’qul and the faithful Gul Muhammad—Firuz i 
Mewati had left him at Bhakkar—with seventy horse to escort the 
coffin to Lahor, where the princess was buried in the house of the 
revered Miyan Mir, whose disciple Dara professed to be. 

After staying several days at Dadar, Dara, on the 29th Ramazan 
1069 A. H. (11th June, 1659, A. D.)} left Malik Jiwan, and proceeded 
to Qandahar. No sooner had he gone than Malik Jiwan—Khafi 
Khan says, his brother—fell on Dara, made him and his son 
prisoners, and sent reports of his doings to Bahadur Khan and 
Rajah Jai Singh, who had followed Dara beyond the Indus, and to 
Baqir Khan, Faujdér of Bhakkar. Baqir immediately despatched 
a courier to Aurangzib at Dihli. 

The name of the treacherous chief of Dadar, Malik Jiwan (tbs 
ws>) has perhaps been the occasion of the geographical errors into 
which European historians have fallen. It looks as if Elphinstone, 
or the author whose work he used, read £ULe mélik, ‘ owner,’ instead 
of slhe malik ; and as if jéwan had been arbitrarily changed to Jim, 
in order to suit the word owner. But the name of the district and 
town in Hastern Sindh to which Elphinstone refers, is w= Jon, not 
Jin. Jon, like U’ch, Daibal, T’hat’hah, and other towns of the 
shifting Indus Delta, is now an unimportant place between T’hat’hah 
and Amrkot; at the time of Humdyin it was renowned for its 

1870. | The Capture and Death of Déra Shikoh. 277 

gardens (Akbarndmah). That Malik Jiwan was a Muhammadan, 
and not a Rajah, as Marshman says, is clear from the fact that he 
was chief of Dadar, and also from the title of Bakhtydr Khdn, which 
Aurangzib conferred upon him as reward for his treachery. There 
is no instance on record that the title of Xhin was ever ‘“‘ conferred” 
upon a Hindu. 

Dari and Sipihr Shikoh were escorted by Bahadur Khan and Malik 
Jiwan to Dihli, where they arrived on the 14th or 15th Zi Hajjah 
1069. They were confined in the palace of Khizraébad (Dihli). On 
the 20th of the same month, Aurangzib ordered them to be paraded 
(tashhir) on an elephant through the streets of Dihli, the inhabitants 
of which were to satisfy themselves that it was really Dara ; else 
false Dardis were sure to create disturbances in future times. 
Behind them on the elephant sat the desperate Nazar Beg, one of 
Aurangzib’s ‘trust-worthy’ slaves, and Bahadur Khan’s troopers 
formed the escort. 

Two days after Dara and Sipihr had been lodged at Khizrabad (7. e. 
on the 16th or 17th Zi Hajjah), the people of Dibli expressed their 
sympathies for Dara by attacking Malik Jiwan and his Afghans, 
and the troopers of Bahadur Khan, as related in the histories. 
The leader of the revolt wasan Ahadi of the name of Haibat. He was 
seized and executed. Aurangzib expected a general rising. ‘‘ His 
Majesty, therefore, animated by a desire to promote the religion of 
the Prophet and obey his law, and compelled by circumstanees and 
a regard for his own rule,” thought it necessary to kill Dara, ‘‘ de- 
termined no longer to allow the Prince’s atheism (¢/had) and rebel- 
liousness— each a sufficient reason in itself for killing him—to 
interfere with the peace of the country.” (Alamgirndmah.) 

The order was given the day after Dara had been paraded in the 
streets, on the 21st Zi Hajjah 1069; and Saif Khan, and several 
trustworthy Chelahs (slaves), as Nazar Beg, killed Dara in the 
beginning of the night at Khizrabad (Tuesday evening, 30th August, 
1659).* His body was taken to Humaytin’s tomb, and buried below 

* The last day (29th Zi Hajjah) of the year 1069 coincides with Wednesday, 
7th September, 1659. Hence the 21st Zi Hajjah is Tuesday, 30th August. 
The Muhammadan Historian say, Dara was killed on a Wednesday evening. 
This fully agrees with our computation; for the Muhammadan Wednesday 
commenced on Tuesday, 6 o’clock Pp. M, 

278 The Capture and Death of Dara Shikoh. [No. 4, 

the dome, where Danyaél and Murad, Akbar’s sons, lie buried, and 
which was subsequently filled with corpses of other Timurides. 

These details are taken from the ’Alamgirnamah, pp. 218 to 325, 
408 to 415, 430 to 485, with which the Jhr-at ul ’Alam and the 
Maasir 1’ Alamgiré agree. 

Khift Khan (Hd. Bibl. Indica, II, 82 to 87) differs from them in 
several particulars. 

First, he makes Dara’s wife die 7 the house of Malik Jiwan. 

Secondly, Dara is captured by Malik Jiwan’s brother. 

Thirdly, Dara is sentenced to death for heresy.* 

Fourthly, Dara’s corpse also was paraded in the streets of Dilhi. 

Fifthly, he says, Dara was killed on the last (29th) day of Zil- 
Hajjah, instead of on the 21st. 

Bernier in his Travels gives a few additional particulars. He 
calls Malik Jiwan Jihon Khan; hence the correct pronuncia- 
tion may be Malik Jion (ws). Bernier evidently did not know 
where Malik Jion’s territory was; but he calls hima Pat’han. 
Dara’s wife, according to his story, did not die a natural death, but 
swallowed poison at Lihor, to which town Dara had been taken from 
Lattah,—which is most improbable. 

The author of the excellent Miftih uttawdrith (Mr. Thomas ,.\) 
says that Dara and his son arrived as prisoners in Dihli on the 
20th Zi Hajjah, 1069, corresponding to the 17th Shahriwar of 
Akbar’s era ; but that the day of Dard’s execution was not certain, 
inasmuch as some sources mentioned the 21st Zi Hajjah, 1069, 
and others the 1st Muharram, 1070. The author evidently pre- 
ferred the former date, as is shewn by his clever Zirzkh on Dérd’s 
death (Metre Khafif )— 

eve OO 4953 [yy LhS ks 9 955 vol als Das 
le4v r 

Wit seized the foot (last letter) of decorum (adab, the last letter of which 
iS w= 2) and said, Qatl i Dard Shikoh (the murder of Dara Shikoh) is the 
Tartkh. I. e., 

* On the next day [the day after Haibat’s execution] 7. e., on the last day 
of Zi Hajjah, his Majesty ordered Dara to be killed conformably to the deci- 
sion of lawyers that he had stepped out of the boundary of the Muhammadan 
law, had brought Cifism into bad repute, and had passed into open heresy 

and schism. Khdfi Khan II, p. 87. 

1870. | The Capture and Death of Déird Shikoh. 279 

Gtetdtotlt stltet Sto 4- 8H tow 
100 + 400 + 80+ 44+1+200+1+300+ 20 + 6 +5 = 1067, 
to which ~ or 2 is to be added, hence 1069. 

The Mukhbir ul Wacilin, a collection of Tarikhs on Muhammadan 
Saints printed in the beginning of this century at Calcutta, has 
also the Ist Muharram, 1070, and from it the MWjftch and the 
Khazinat ul Acfid have evidently copied. But there is no historical 
evidence for fixing upon the Ist Muharram, 1070, as the day of 
Dava’s execution. Hven Khafi Khan’s date (29th Zil Hajjah, 1069) 
is open to doubt, inasmuch as it differs from the date given in the 
contemporaneous histories the ’Alamgirnamah and the Dir-at ul 

Dara Shikoh’s wife was a daughter of Prince Parwiz (son of 
Jahangir) by Jahan Banu Begum, daughter of Sultan Murad (son of 
Akbar). Daré had married her on the 8th Jumada I, 1042. Her 
name was Nadirah Begum, and according to Khafi Khan, Dara was 
much attached to her. The disease of which she died is called in 
the ’Alamgirnamah Uw ; but in Khafi Khan Jl. 

Dara’s children were (Pudishahn. IL, 101, 337, 388)— 

Sulaiman Shikoh, born 26th Ramazan, 1044. 

MMihr Slikoh, born in Rabi I, 1048. Died after 40 days. 
Mumtaz Shikoh, born on the last Jumada I, 1053. 

Sipihr Shikoh, born 15th Sha’ban, 1054. 

A daughter, born 29th Rajab, 1043. Died soon after. 
Pik Nihad Bani Begum, born 29th Jumada I, 1051, 

ce. Jahin Ztb Bani Begum (married subsequently Muhammad 

Sulaimdn Shikoh married in 1065 a daughter of Rajah Gaj Singh, 
Khift Khan, p. 730. His daughter, Salimah Bani Begum, mar- 
ried Prince Muhammad Akbar, Aurangzib’s fourth son. Their 
offspring was Nekusiyar, who was proclaimed emperor at Agrah, 

Se hose eee 

but imprisoned by Rafi’ uddaulah. 

Sipihr Shikoh married Zubdatunnissa Begum, Aurangzib’s fourth 
daughter. Their son, ’Ali Tabar, was born onthe 12th Jumada JT, 
1087, and died in the end of 1088 (Madsir ¢’ Alamgtrt, pp. 125, 160 ) 

280 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Hight District. (No. 4, 

Notes on the Arabic and Persian Inseriptions in the Higlt Dis- 
trict.—By WH. Brocumann, Esq., M. A., Assist. Professor, Calcutta 

(With 5 plates.) 

The following notes form the sequel tomy paper on ‘ Places of 
Historical Interest in the District of Hiuglt, which was published in 
the Proceedings of the Society for April, 1870. The inscriptions 
given in this article are all of Muhammadan origin; the more 
important ones are in Arabic, the Persian inscriptions being few 
and modern. The originals are at Tribeni, Mulla Simla, Satganw, 
Panduah, and Dinanath. 

The earliest Arabic inscription mentions the year A. H. 698, 
or A. D. 1298; the latest belongs to A. H. 986, or A. D. 15380. 
They are all cut in basalt, with the letters raised, and the cha- 
racter of nearly all of them is Tughra, which renders the reading 
difficult, and has probably been the reason why these inscriptions, 
though so near our metropolis, have never been collected. 

Satganw and Tribeni lie N. W. and N., respectively, of Hugli; 
but visitors will find it convenient to go to Mugra, the Railway 
Station next to Hugli, as both places are each only about two 
miles distant from the terminus. Satganw lies 8. W., and Tribeni 
to the H. of the station. 

Satgénw is reached by the Grand Trunk Road. Half way 
between Mugra and Satgdnw, the road meets the Saraswati, 
or Sursuttee, now varying in breadth from three to six feet, but 
a few centuries ago a broad river. The old banks are still clearly 
visible. After passing the bridge, a ruined mosque will be seen 
to the right of the road. This mosque which, together with a 
few tombs near it, is the only remnant of the old capital of 
Lower Bengal, was built, as will be seen below, by Sayyid Jamal 
Din (Jamaluddin), son of Sayyid Fakhruddin, who, according to 
the inscriptions, had come from Amul, a town on the Caspian 
Sea. The Khadim, who is attached to the mosque, knew nothing 
of this Sayyid; he said, Fakhruddin had come with his friends 
Shah Cafi of Panduah and Ghazi Zafar Khén of Tribent to Bengal. 

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. 281 

This is, however, impossible, as the inscription on the mosque shews 
that Jaméluddin lived as late as A. H. 936. The walls of the mosque 
are built of small bricks, and are handsomely adorned, inside and 
eut-side, with arabesques. The central mzhrad, or niche, looks very 
fine; but the upper part of the west wall having fallen down, half 
the mosque is filled with stones and rubbish, so that it is im- 
possible to see the whole of the niche. The arches and domes are 
in the later Pat’han style. Over each entrance, inside, there 
is a crescent. Near the §. E. angle of the mosque, is an en- 
closure with three tombs, where Sayyid Fakhruddin, his wife, 
and his eunuch, are said to be buried. The wall forming the en- 
closure is in many places broken down. I found two long basalt 
tablets placed slantingly against the inner side of the north wall. 
A third square basalt tablet is fixed into the wall; unfortunately, 
it is broken in the middle, and the wall is half pierced, to allow 
the customary lamp to be put into the cavity. These three in- 
scriptions should be removed to a museum. It is impossible to say 
how they came into the enclosure. When the public buildings in 
Sitgdnw and Tribeni decayed, pious hands, probably, rescued the 
inscriptions, and stored them up in holy places as Fakhruddin’s 
enclosure and Zafar Khan’s mosque and tomb, or even fixed them 
into the walls at the time of repairs, thus turning each of these 
astanahs into a sort of museum. 

There is also an inscription on Fakruddin’s tomb ; but it is ille- 
gible, though it could perhaps be deciphered, if the letters were 
carefully painted. 

A short distance higher up the Grand Trunk Road he the eleven 
huts, which form the modern Sitgénw. The ground between them 
and the Saraswati, towards a small village of the name of Lal 
Jhapah, which lies W. of it, is very uneven, and looks as if it had 
been the site of an extensive settlement. At one place, not far 
from the road, the capital of a large pillar merges from the 
ground, ‘The people called it padishahe filpac. 

From Satganw, a narrow footpath leads to Tribeni along the 
old right bank of the Saraswati. ‘The river itself appears to be 
nothing else but an arm of the Ganges (Bhagiruttee), though on 
the maps of the Hugli district, it looks like a river which takes 


282 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the High District. [No. 4, 

its rise near the Rajahpir Jhil, west of Habrah (Howrah). A 
khal passes from the Saraswati to the Ganges about five miles 
below the Botanic Garden. To the north of the mouth of the 
Saraswati lies the broad and high Tribeni Ghat, a magnificent 
flight of steps, said to have been built by Mukund Deo, the last 
Gajpati of Orisa; and S. of it, on the high river bank lies Tribeni 
itself with the Astanah of Ghazi Zafar Khén, generally called by the 
people Gizt Guhib ka dargah. Tribeni is often called Tripani, and 
by the Muhammadans, Tiripant Shahpir, or Firtzabid. The peo- 
ple refer the last name to Firiz Shah of Dihli; but it is more 
natural to connect it with Shamsuddin Firuz Shéh (1.), king of 
Bengal, whose name will be found below in the inscription of Zafar 
Khan’s Madrasah. The name cf ‘ Tribeni,’ or ‘ Three Streams’ 
is said by the natives of the place to refer to the junction of the 
Ganges, the Saraswati, and Jamnah. The Jamnah, or Jabunah, 
flows into the Ganges on the left side, opposite to the southern 
extremity of the extensive island in the middle of the Ganges. 

The curious legend of Zafar Khan has been related by Mr. D. 
Money in his article on the Tribeni Temple, published in the XVth 
volume of the Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, for 1847, p. 393. 
The Asténah consists of two enclosures. The first, which lies at the 
road leading along the bank of the Hugli, is built of large basalt 
stones, said to have been taken from an old Hindu temple, which 
Zafar Khan destroyed. Its east wall which faces the river, shews 
elear traces of mutilated Hindi idols and dragons; and fixed into 
it, at a height of about six feet from the ground, is a piece of iron, 
said to be the handle of Zafar Khén’s battle-axe. The second en- 
elosure, which is joined to the west wall of the first, is built of 
sandstone. The hadim of the Astanah, a man not altogether 
illiterate, told me that the western tomb was that of Zafar Khan. 
The other three, he said, are those of ’Ain Khan Ghazi and Ghain 
Khan Ghazi ( cojl* WK was, and cojlé wle Ga ), sons of Zafar Khan, 
and of the wife of Barkhan Ghdzi. The first enclosure contains 
the tombs of Barkhén Ghazi ( cojle vld,y ), third son of Zafar 
Khan, and of Rahim Khan Ghazi and Karim Khan Ghazi, sons of 
Barkhan. Mr. Money mentions a son of Zafar Khan of the name of 
Ugwan Khan, who according to the Aurstndmah, or family register, 

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. 283 

“of the Ahadims, defeated the Rijah of Hugli, conquered him, con- 
‘verted the infidels to Muhammadanism, and married his daughter. 
“ After some time, Ugwén Khan also died at Tribent.” 

About twenty yards to the west of the second enclosure, are the 
ruins of an old mosque, likewise built with the materials of an old 
Hindi temple. The low basalt pillars supporting the arches are 
unusually thick, and the domes, as in the Panduah mosque are 
built of bricks, of successive rings of stones, the diameter of each 
layer being somewhat less than that of the layer below, the whole 
being capped by a circular stone, covering the small remaining 
aperture. This corresponds to the domes described by Mr. Tremlett 
in his ‘ Notes on Old Dihli’, p. 87 of this volume of the Journal. 
Two of the domes are broken. On the western wall, there are several 
inscriptions, as described below. According to the Arabic verses 
round about the principal Mhrab, the mosque was built by Khan 
Muhammad Zafar Khan, who is called a Turk, in A. H. 698, or 
A. D. 1298. The ground round about the mosque is very uneven ; 
several basalt pillars lie about, and there are foundations of several 
structures, as also a few tombs, which are said to be the resting- 
places of former Ahddims. 

I now proceed to the inscriptions which I have arranged accord- 
ing to their age. 

A, Tribeni. 
Inscription I, (Arabic and Persian.) 
eae! wp) ol] ome 

3 AU) yo pad # Kine BSN Fy hime Ugiall 3s WT Gy 

aA) dou yore les} ‘ Led aly) JY - Ce 3 Landy es 
rst Pe) 8555S] a, 5 ae ahs) 9 3) cowl 5 ally ws! we 
uv joc aS, BS chan & ontee|) oy 2 (SIC) yy Sry) BH, J4) Us Prey} ali} 3 
iis JAD atk $05 ] rez] Bib 3 cine , sls eee dS 
presdl me an pled] Bale b5y5 9 x las? daily (Sic) sditsls 
ali] go leah WF aU dated! I clad alll JS x ydlas ai) ve 

estes lB) 9 bse] Qeole gals!) sae] ln ust # loo) 

284 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. (No. 4 

pain a pitbyan g AZAD ples? Galles) pales? gl yboy!l y paral] 

ue stipe y SNrehie Volu £0,0 5 fy) ST an Meee vi 
ust Se ww} aosls wl obs yal wo 2 le py4 2%) 
eels] le she Sm all] P lal s fA yd dl Spee aL) do 
eye! islets AlS) Spas y eile eaeeell 43) 3% all) a) 
dane ol AS ,2 x opted) Ss opel £ Gel wid hye) aed 
yao aUL Kye.s) 5 oss Lams Coy yr? ghd csla& ats 00 

“e “ . Vz a Y 
wot ly] ils uslod 5) 395 ueze te ly Ss of! gh | 
x gle 5 

O God, vouchsafe unto us in this world a great comfort, and in the world to 
come a great comfort. [Qoran, II, 197.] A help from God, and an approaching 
gift ; announce it to the believers. [Qoranu, LXI, 13.] 

God has said—‘ Surely he will build the mosques of God who believes in 
Him and in a future life, and performs his prayers, and gives the legal alms, 
and fears no one except God. Such perhaps will belong to those that are 
guided. [Qordn, IX,18.] That means [Persian], every one who builds mosques 
for God, is certainly and without doubt a believer and will find gwdance. 
And he upon whom be peace [the Prophet] has said—‘ To try and to begin is 
mine ; but the completion rests with God.’ 

God has said—‘ The mosques belong to God. Worship no one else but God.’ 
[Qoran, LXXII, 18.] 

This Jam’ Mosque has been erected by the Lord of the sword and the pen, 
the hero of the age and the period, Ulugh Majlis ul Maj4lis, the Majlis 
Ikhtiyar, the Commander-in-chief and Vazir of the town of Husainabaéd 
theGreat,ofthe District of Sajl4 Mankhb ad, Commander of the Th 4- 
nah of L4ob1a and the town of Hadigar, who isknown as Ruknuddin 
Rukn Khan, son of ’AlauddinofSirhat—may God grant him long 
life, without end, and may He lengthen his reign over mankind, may He cause 
the benefits to last for ever, which he bestows upon the faithful, may God 
give him victory over the Infidels, to the glory of the true faith. Amen,O 
Lord of the universe. (Persian) He who repairs this mosque, will find mercy 

with God; but should any one, which God forbid, dishonour this mosque, may 
God dishonour him, 

This inscription is fixed into the west wall to the right of the 
northern Mihrab (niche) inthe Tribeni Mosque. Like all other in- 
scriptions in Tribeni and Satgduw, itisin black basalt, and the let- 

1870.| Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Hugli District. 285 

ters are raised. The characters are not in Tughra, and look awkward. 
Regarding the geographical names, wide below. I have placed 
this inscription first, as it appears to be the oldest, or at least of 
the same time as the nextinscription. In neither of them do we 
find an allusion to the reigning king. . 

The Jimi’ Mosque mentioned in the inscription cannot be the 
Tribeni mosque, which to judge from the next inscription, was built 
by Zafar Khan, although it is impossible to say when or wherefrom 
the slab was brought to the place where it now is. 

To the left of this inscription is another in black basalt; but 
the letters are so broken and effaced, that only the words 

wlbbJS| xls etme plas lt 531 wot ial 
“__uddin Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah” are legible. As Husain 
Shah (1I.) reigned in the beginning of the 10th century of the 
Hijrah, it is clear that this inscription also has been brought to 
the Tribeni mosque from some other place. 

Further to the left of these two inscriptions, we come to another 
Mihrab, or niche. Although no Ifmbar, or pulpit, stands within it, 
it would appear that this Mchrdb was the principal one. It looks 
like a walled up door; the posts are of black basalt, and on them 
there is an inscription. The post opposite to the threshold is 
horizontal, and above it there is a long inscription, which, to- 
gether with the words on asmall separate key-stone, forms a 
part of that on the posts. Itisa long Arabic poem, a Qactdah 
with a rhyme in st. The letters are, however, in many places 
illegible, especially those over the niche. The poem commences 
on the right hand post, near the ground, goes upwards, and ends 
with a Zérikh on the lower end on the other post. The follow- 
ing lines are all that I have deciphered. 

Inscription II. (Arabie.) 

(Zafar Khan’s Mosque). 
% % % % % $8 Jatt oS 

* sic) wl yee) Ges Hey ogily (sal) wi? ped 

286 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. [WNo. 4, 

And I [Zafar Khan] hope to obtain the pious wishes of such as are learned 
in the law, that God may strengthen my faith* at the time I am in the grave. 

May God reward me ; for He is truly merciful, and liberal, and kind; and 
[I hope that] He will honor me.* ‘ 

Then follows on the top— 

Lr) [Oot lay wa ¥ * e * * 

(?) Cn ylest| sels wal Rly des? _,a25 k & %& & 

mts AS cad & db Kame Gils ¢ « & # 

The seventh and eighth hemistichs are illegible. 

on * #2tl ce Ai cz leet, * * * * 
* * * * st WIN 0 GS Alaed 
lest Jd r=! Bgl US uss BdeS Gyr bdloJ} latins (P) gay 
The 15th and 16th hemistichs are quite illegible. 

Uw « 2) 5352 wl Rb S ySy * * * * 
lett ox opel SLI Dawe y * * * * 
68 OS OIA ES eS LSI] g Brundle 20) oole ald 

* * Zafar Khan, the Turk, the lion of lions, * * * * and the most excel- 
lent one of builders of benevolent edifices, after the heroes, and by smiting the 
Infidels with sword and spear, and lavishing treasures on every * * 

The remaining lines to the 24th hemistich are illegible. Then 
follow the lines on the left post— 
# cpclis!} pill! piel ste) Blea dey) slele psbad , 
# nm (545! = NS y laghe, Upbe jo tle ey 

And by honouring all the learned of the faith, in order to elevate the stand- 
ard of God (?). 

The date is expressed by the Wafq letters _, re and re according to the 
reckoning of him who counts. 

Unsatisfactory as the deciphering is, the date of the found- 
ation of the mosque and the name of the founder have escaped the 
ravages of time. Zafar Khan is called a Turk, and the found- 

* Tn allusion to the wmtihan ul qabr, or the examination in the grave. Short- 
ly after the burial, the corpse is visited, according to the belief of the Muslims, 
by two angels who examine the dead man as to his creed. 

I have substituted for the sake of clearness the first person. The text has 
the third. fev : , 

+ The reading is very likely LS sdlcy, ‘ that He will raise his [ Zafar’s] 
turban,’ 7. e., that he will honor him. The preposition J, like the (J in aly, 
seems to depend from 5= 539, 

1870.| Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. 287 

ation of his mosque at Tribeni on the ruins of the old Hind& edifices 
which he destroyed, is expressed by ¢ + ue + ¢,= 8 +904 600, 
or 698 A. H., which corresponds to A. D., 1298. Zafar Khan’s 
Madrasah, as will appear from the following inscription, was 
founded fifteen years later, in A. H. 713, or A. D. 13818. 

There is no doubt that the above verses are one of the oldest 
inscriptions, if not the oldest, in Lower Bengal. 

Inseription III. (Arabic.) 

(Zafar Khan’s Madrasah.) 
ce a es Me en | haw ee! GAD Lbaaky bse oy) sos)) 
ce aul OB ele 5 cull Os 2s) a) alla ae 


ghsial) Grad pod OU) Mle 6 bed 1S o Soll 6 

(sic) ye] <ylegle Sle ey)y (ysallell Gs, doling Geyasell (pall 
Cally aU) le 6 Ualadl sla iapas abel 

aos!) © stall Quel «etl pyc “Get gle) ot 

oe «ial a Gated «bal ae eee esi ball 

AaB dom? ld 6 yalall byl tye © ysbitill 2 SLM 

pa $46 ue “a(usic.) aslal.] oo 3) sc] ule ail 4,0)5) 

* RSlansau 3 ¥ yates (ees sls dais a) eee AA 

Praise be to Him to whom praise is due! This Madrasah which goes by the 
name of Dar ul Khairdt [house of benevolence], was built during the reign of the 
Lord of munificence, the owner of the crown and the signet, the shadow of God on 
earth, the generous, the liberal, the great, the master of the necks of nations, the 
sun of the world and the faith [shams uddunyd wa-ddén], who is distinguished 
by the grace of the Lord of the universe, the heir of the realm of Sulaiman, [ Sham- 
suddin] Abul Muzaffar Firtiz Shah—may God perpetuate his reign— 
(second slab) by order of the distinguished Khan, the generous, the respected, 
the liberal, the praiseworthy, the helper of Islam, the aider of mankind, the 
meteor of truth and faith, the supporter of kings and sovereigns, the patron of 
enquirers, Khan Muhammad Zafar Khan—may God give him victory 
over his enemies and guard his friends. 

Dated lst Muharram, 713. [28th April, 1313]. 

288 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higlt District. [INo. 4, 

This inscription is written on two long basalt tablets which 
are now imbedded in the northern side of Zafar Khan’s tomb, 
in the second enclosure of the Tribeni <Astinah. The second 
tablet, which commences with the words 67-amril Khan, §c., has 
been placed by the ignorant masons first, and was pretty correctly 
deciphered by Mr. D. Money. According to the Kwrsinamah pre- 
served by the Mutawallis of Zafar’s Tomb, it would appear that 
Zafar Khan came from Manreinw (3633l6 ), in the Parganah 
Kunwar Partab, Chaklah Murshidabad (Makhcucabad).* From the 
above inscription it is clear that his name was Khan Muham- 
mad, Zafar Khin being his title. Common people, as Mr. Money 
says, pronounce Darap Ahan, an interchange in position of an f 
and a liquid, as in gufl (Arabic, a Jock) and gulf, the pronuncia- 
tion current among the people. I heard also people pronounce 

The king mentioned in this inscription is Shamsuddin 
AbulMuzaffar FirtizShah Sultan. His nameis not 
given in the Tabagat 1 Akbart, nor by Pirishtah, who copied from 
the Tubagit. Mr. E. Thomas, the distinguished numismatician, was 
the first that assigned him his proper place. In his essay on the 
Initial Coinage of Bengal, which forms the basis of our historical 
knowledge of the early Muhammadan period of Bengal (Journal, 
A. 8. Bengal, 1867, pp. 1 to 73), Mr. Thomas describes coins 
struck by this Firiz Shah of Bengal between A. H. 715 and 722; 
another coin perhaps belongs to the year 702. The above inscription 
mentions 718, and it is clear that Firtz Shah must have then been 
firmly established in Western Bengal. 

It is remarkable that neither this inscription, nor the coins 
published by Mr. Thomas (/. ¢., p. 45), mention the name of the 
father of Firuz Shah, or the words wlbl.» os, which are not left 
out on the coins of Ruknuddin Kai Kats; and secondly, that the 
preceding inscription of A. H. 698, mentions no king at all, which 
agrees with the fact that up to the present time no coins have been 
found struck by a Bengal king between 695 and 702, 7. e. for the 
beginning of the reign of Alauddin of Dihli. 

* I am told, there is a legend still current at Margd4nw that Ugwan Khan, 
Zafar’s son, defeated Manpat Singh, Rajah of Birbhum. 

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inseriptions in the Higli District. 289 

In point of execution and beauty of the letters, this inscription 
is superior to the preceding, which itself is vastly superior to 
Inscription No. I. It looks indeed as if all following inscriptions 
had taken this one as model. MHven the latest inscription of 
Nugrah Shah of Saétganw of the 10th century shews the same 
manner of execution. With the establishment of the Mughul 
government in India, the characters commence to change, and 
though Tughra letters are still in use, they gradually drift into 
modern Nastw liq. 

The following inscription, which stands to the right of the IMchrdb 
gives the same date as No. III. 

Inscription IV. (Arabic. ) 
eiey way al] ——— 
ee ean ied Gis pls) een! aly] Zyss 
98 £5 ns acte re) eS) ya usa] ENha5 
| ged epee! whl BIAS kc wl 2 8!) Jy! soll Is 
eres s wleall aly old gee eyo) all Sb 

Ce Shes dew 4 Baines cee bees nal Yh: ¥,c 
Blessed is God, the great creator, the creator of the people, * * 

ie ee 
Blessed is He in whose hands the kingdom is, His power extends over 

every thing, 

Blessed is He who has sent down the Qoran to His servant, that he may be 
a warner to all generations. 

Blessed is God, the great Creator. O God, O God of the heavens, and the - 
earth * * 

Dated Ist Muharram, 713. 

Inscriptions V and V£.  (Arabic.) 
cai We Mo pyh Dy Fhe vhs Dayal aslo? Y) af) ) al 
lo piss - wg 3) dhe ERiig iso] a w-9))] Nica Ve, eo) gourd] 
ey ~5\b Ley abe hole ay © & gtd wea y, reels Le s e292 wt 
+ ppball ctl say Leg baae cen Jy Us)! 9 Plosa] Saws 

290 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. | No. 4, 

This inscription is of no interest, and consists in a well known 
verse from the Qoran (Sur. IJ., 256), which is frequently used for 
inscriptions on mosques. The verse itself goes by the name of 
A’yat ulkurst, because the word wurst (throne) occurs in it. Mu- 
hammadans have a very high idea of its beauty ; they often repeat 
it after prayers, and blow on their chests, or blow on their hands, 
which are then rubbed over the arms and the body. ‘The bles- 
sings inherent in the verse are thus distributed over the whole 

The inscription stands to the right of the words uddin Abul 
Muzafiar Husain Shah, mentioned on p. 285. 

Another inscription of no value, to the left of the Whrab, com- 
mences with the words— 

After several illegible words, we find— 

OU Wy wes log ** cols whet My Gel E** SOS 
w oe . 
gt wx SF 9 kixty #* beg Wy oom” Jo Ue ~wr oy % % 
i wbdt bret) ely * * * Sb 
Of greater interest is the following. 
Inscription VII, (Ayrabic.) 
onl] sk # Jas} al) ee ),£03 Yo aU da lined] w)! &AS] Je 
w w Fyre i ‘ ; 
cb dled All dole GA Jest UT Baal Ube!) , ped! yl 
w w 

os BM eae aS oS} polall J) ated) ML) (sie) apedl 
i é.3! ARS oe 3 p= w coals Baye ee -)MeluS) x loa cys? 

God has said, ‘The mosques belong to God. Worship no one else besides 
God. (Qoran LXXII., 18). 

This mosque was built by the great Khan, the exalted grandee, Ulugh 
Ajmal Khan—may God preserve him in both worlds,—the Commander 
of the army of the exalted nobleman Iqrar Khan, who is the guardian 
(jénddr) of the honor of the royal Harem, Commander and Vazir of the District 
of S4jl14 Mank hb4d, and the town of Laobla—may his exalted quali- 
ties endure for ever,—during the reign of the just, liberal, learned, and per- 
fect king, BArbak Shah, sonof Mahmud Shah, the Sultan. Dated 
A. H. 860. 

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Huglé District. 291 

As far spelling and grammar are concerned, this inscription is 
one of the worst I have seen. Generally speaking, the Arabic of 
none of these inscriptions is classic. One curious mistake occurs 
on almost every Bengal inscription—the word s| abé is not changed 
to (i! abz, though in the genitive case. Thus in Inscriptions III., 
VII, IX, X.; and the word j5,-%0 ‘ known as,’ is not followed by the 
preposition bz, as it ought to be; vide Insc. I and X. In the above 
lines we have Bildobla for Laobla, and fé-l’ahd, with the article, 
instead of fe ahd / The date is so extraordinarily expressed, that I 
at first doubted its correctness (Proceedings, 1870, p. 189). But the 
difficulty may be got over by supplying &JS/, or SiJS| 0, between 
the wdw and sittin. 

The inscription lies at present on the ground in the enclosure 
where Zafar Khan is buried, between the entrance and the tomb. 
The surface of the stone is about a square yard, and its thickness 
about a foot. On turning it round, I found that the reverse con- 
tained numerous serpents and dragons, cut in relief, but partly 
mutilated. The stone is of the same basalt as the buildings at 

Regarding the king and the date mentioned in the inscription, 
vide below No. X. 

B. Mulla’ Simla’, near Biddibati. 

Biddibati is the station on the E. I. Railway after Serampore. 
About six miles west of it lies a village of the name of Mulla Simla, 
called on the maps J/olnah Simla, where there is an old, low mosque, 
and the dargih, or tomb, of ‘Hazrat Muhammad K a bir Qahib,’ 
generally called Shah Anwar (ji!) Quliof Aleppo. The 
Khadims attached to the Dargéh know nothing about the saint, nor 
did they know the meaning of the inscription. They say that the 
mosque was built after Shah Anwar’s death by some ambassador, who 
endowed it with lands, a copy of the sanad being preserved in the 
court at Hugli. They also point out two stones close to the tomb, 
where the saint used to kneel down (dozdanu) at the time of shaving, 
and the stones ‘still shew impressions of his knees.’”? The saint 
is said to have been fond of looking-glasses ; hence pilgrims bring 
often with them small looking-glasses, which are placed on the tomb, 

292 <Arabse and Persian Inscriptions in the Higlt District. {No. 4, 

But after buying them, they must not look in them on their way to 
the dargah ; ‘‘ else misfortunes will surely befall them, as was the 
case with a man who some time ago, while on his way to Mulla 
Simlé, fell down dead, because he looked at his face in the glass 
which he had bought for the saint.” 

This curious custom of offering up looking-glasses seems to be 
connected with the birth-place of Shah Anwar. Aleppo was for- 
merly famous in the East for its glass wares. 

The inscription is on black basalt, in Yughrd characters, and 
is fixed over the entrance to the Dargdéh, although it must have be- 
longed in former times to the mosque. The old mosque itself has 
at present no inscription. 

Inscription VIII. (Arabic.) 
dale cat} ls - foat ali eo [peas MS 6 Salut oy! dgllas ay fis 
% Les (pdt ioe is} ee &J al} ies Lio} 29 al [ose es wy cl 

jj Sil ga yae 

God has said, ‘ The mosques belong to God. Worship no one else besides 
God.’ [Qoran LXXII, 18.] 

The Prophet—-upon whom be peace—has said, ‘He who builds for God a 
mosque on earth, will have seventy castles built for him by God in Paradise. 
[ Hadés. | 

This mosque was built by the great Khan Ulugh Mukhlie¢ Khan, in 
the year 777 [A. D. 1375.] 

If, as the Khadims say, the ambassador got rid of certain difti- 
culties by praying at the tomb, one might think that he would 
have shewn his gratefulness by mentioning the saint’s name 
on the inscription ; but the slab mentions neither Shah Anwar, nor 
the king who reigned in 777 [ Sultan-ussalatin ]. 

I owe this inscription to the kindness of Maulawi ’Abdul Hai, of 
the Calcutta Madrasah. 

C, Sa’tga’nw. 
Inscription IX. (Axabic.) 
(Nagir Husain Shih’s Mosque.) 


ol} boluve yor Lod} Shed Adj) aN 

eal is Ns 

poe! 3 Aly 
Rae, ; w w ie sh Sy a oat w mee 
3) ,] ge als) 3] rss ae $455] K 3?! 3 Sybal) eu) ay) 

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higlé District. 298 

w w w 
A)55 oa ES = eu w? Sra oe # eee 7 Jy 4S2 v 

ale aU) dhe all) JU + bool alll ga Tyeod Bal ootanall GJ 
Lins al a es oe gh Lae ashe ope Atel 5 all ude 
% % : # % * z ji! ey 
eo wl ys) taal, a 
udely aiMblw 2 el) eS hls | ghee hence Abels opel 
Wibs! Else P al plana! Bell a wee 2 OLA » vpel 
~ hx 5S SLsS ios lol AT eats] wy Usted 4] lly hes 

% Baltas eons 5 erie 5 ce al=!| nw es 

God has said, ‘That man will build the mosques of God who believes in Him 
and the last day, and performs the daily prayers and gives the alms demanded 
by the law, and fears no one except God. Such perhaps belong to those that 
are guided [Qoran IX, 18.] 

And He whose glory is gloricus and whose benefits are general, has also 
said, ‘ The mosques belong to God. Worship no one else besides God.’ [Qoran, 
LXXII, 18. ] 

The prophet (upon whom be peace) has said, ‘He who builds for Goda 
mosque in this world, will have a house built for him by God in Paradise’. 

(* * * two lines broken and illegible) {of him 
who is strengthened* | by proof and testimony, the refuge of Islam and the Mos- 
lems, Nagiruddin Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah, the Sultan. 
May God perpetuate his reion and rule, and elevate his state and dignity. 

This mosque was built by the great, exalted, and honoured Khan who has 
the title of Tarbiyat Khan. May God preserve him from the misfor- 
tunes of the end of time by His benevolence and perfect grace. 

In the year A. H. 861 [A. D. 1457. ] 

This valuable inscription is written on a thin basalt tablet and is 
fixed into the northern wall of the enclosure of Fakhruddin’s Tomb 
at Satganw. 

Regarding the king mentioned above, vzde Inscription X. 

Inscription X. (Arabic.) 
w w w w 
ust) MS 5 # loa) alll ave lecad ty aU dolar] wl dhe ah) Ss 

* The word O90, muayyad, seems to have stood before burhdn. 

294 Arabie and Persian Inseriptions in the Higlt District. [No. 4, 

as a) us Lal 8 dar? deh Six ales 5 &rle au) de 


Soll Jol) Us) oye 8 asmell chs |od die!) 

Biase te: Wj eon 
rbla lt gon on bbl gli ee pobel)! wie! s Lai) a 
wii!) Lalo ppba!] oss] ost] ght # ahhe all Ave 
oe y) da She Vole QOL yds 5 aed paw yp eS re al 3 
=” 5 Bub c Ge 3 Me) ass poelyau 3 dullw OD nha 

w w w 

pysel wy elys ae \ay0 # wpa ge elles AU) dela jiole 

# bo aia] Cdr aye bats Bloitel y saad y sid} dhe 

God has said, ‘ The mosques, &c.’ [Qoran, LXXII, 18.]. And the prophet 
(may peace be upon him!) has said, ‘He who builds a mosque on earth will 
have a castle built for him by God in Paradise’. 

This mosque was built during the reign of the just and liberal king Jala l- 
uddin Abul Muzaffar Fath Shah, the Sultén, sonof Mahmud 
the Sultan, may God perpetuate his reign ! 

The builder of this noble and great mosque is the Lord of the sword and the 
pen, Ulugh Majlis Nar, commander and Vazir of the district of Sajla 
Mankhbad, and the town known as Simlabad, and Commandant of the 
Thanah Laobla and Mihrbak, District and Mahall (Perganah) of Hadi- 
gar,—may God preserve him in both worlds! 

Dated 4th Muharram, 892, [1st January, 1487.]. Written by the humble 
servant Akhund Malik. 

This inscription is written on a long basalt tablet, which at pre- 
sent stands leaning against the northern wall of Fakhruddin’s 

Inscriptions Nos. I., VII., and X. mention— 

1. The District of Sajla Mankhbad. 

2. The District of Hadigar. 

8. The Thanahs of Ldobld, or Ldobalad,* and DMihrbak, the 
first of which was called ‘a town’ in inscription VIT. 

4, The town of Simlabdd. 

* There is a place 10 miles EH. of Tribeni, on the other side of the Higli, 
called on the maps Ldopallah, near the Jamnah or Jabunah, mentioned above 
on p. 282, on the border of the 24-Parganahs. In an Arabic Inscription, 
‘Laopallah’ would have to be spelt ‘ Laobala.’ It is also noticeable that there 
are several Muhammadan villages near this Laopallah. The maps show a 
Fathpir, Shabpar, Hathikhanah, &. 

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Hight District. 295 

I have not succeeded in identifying these five places, although 
six months of enquiry and search have elapsed since I first men- 
tioned them in the Proceedings of the Society (June, 1870, p. 188.) 

The name even of ‘ Husainabad the Great,’ mentioned in Inscr. I, 
is somewhat doubtful; but the Husaindébad in the Murshidabad 
district may be meant. The only name which is certain is that of the 
town of Sarhat (in Birbhim), which on Inscr. I. is spelled Sirhat, 
with an 2. 

It is noticeable that in none of the inscriptions the words Sirkar 
and parganah occur. The word ’argah (&2,©) may be equivalent 
to sirkar, and the word mahall is used, even in the Ain, in the same 
sense as ‘parganah.’ The term ’wrgah seems also to have given 
rise to the name of the parganah 4Arsd, to which Sétganw and 
Tribeni belong, though Arsdé is spelt in the Ain, and by Muham- 
madans now-a-days, lw}, not 4,5. In this case the real name of 
the district would have been omitted. ‘There are many similar 
eases on record. Thus the parganah opposite to Tribeni is called 
Haweli shahr, and corrupted Hdlishahr, the proper noun having 
likewise fallen away. 

The word thanah meant in those days a ‘standing camp,’ as the 
Mubammadans used to erect in newly conquered districts. 

The names and dates of the Bengal kings mentioned in these 
inscriptions, do not entirely agree, as might have been expected, 
with those given in our histories. The kings mentioned are— 

1. Shamsuddin Firtz Shah (1.),—A. H. 718 (Inser. III). 

2. Barbak Shah, son of Mahmud Shah,—A. H. 860, (Inser, 

3. Naciruddin Abul Muzaffar Husain Shéh (1.),—A. H. 861, 
(Inser. IX). 

4. Abul Muzaffar Yusuf Shah, son of Barbak Shah, no year. 
Vide below under ‘ Panduah.’ 

5. Jalaluddin Abul Muzaffar Fath Shah, son of Mahmud Shh, 
—A, H. 892, (Inser. X). 

6. Nucrah Shah, son of ’Aléuddin Husain Shah CI.),—A. H. 
936 (vide below Inscr. XI, XII). 

The place in history of the first king, Firuz Shah (1), has been 
alluded to above, on p. 288, 

296 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Hhgli District, [ No. 4, 

Of Barbak Shah, Marsden (I1., 573) has published a coin, dated 
A. H. 878, which seems to agree with the statement of the histories 
that he reigned from A. H. 862 to 879. Inscr. VII. gives 860; but 
should no coin confirm this early date, I would almost doubt the relia- 
bility of the inscription which, as I said above, is full of mistakes. 
The unit might have been omitted. Besides, the year 860 seems to 
be rendered impossible by Inscr. [X., unless we assume that Bérbak 
prociaimed himself king during the lifetime of Naciruddin Husain 
Shah. As correctly observed by Marsden, the histories make 
Barbak Shah the son of Nacir Shah, against the testimony of coins 
and Inser. VII., which call his father Mahmid Shah. But Mahmitd 
Shah has not yet been assigned a place among the Bengal kings.* 

The third king, Nacgiruddin Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah ig called 
in the histories Wacgir Shah, and is said to have reigned from A. H. 
830 to 862. Inscr. LX. mentions clearly 861, and thus confirms the 
histories as far the end of his reign is concerned. But the histories 
are wrong in calling him Wager Shah, for the full name given in the 
inscription shews that he should be called Husain Shah (1). A similar 
confusion occurs in the name of ’Alauddin Abul Muzaffar Husain 
Shah al Husain{, father of Nucrah Shah, whom the histories call 
likewise by the first name ’Alduddin, instead of Husain Shah (11).+ 

The fitth king, Fath Shah, appears like the preceding, with his 
full, or judis , name. Inscr. X. confirms the fact, mentioned by 
Marsden and Laidley, that Fath Shah was the son of Mahmdd Sih, 
and therefore brother of Barbak Shah. According to the histories, 
Barbak Shah died in 879, and was succeeded by his son Shamsuddin 
Abul Muzaffar Yusuf Shah, who is mentioned in Gaur Inscriptions 
of A. H. 880 and 885. He is said to have died without issue, and 
the throne was claimed by a member ofthe royal family, of the 
name of Sikandar Shah. But he was immediately deposed, and 
Fath Shah, uncle of Yusuf Shah, ascended the throne. 

* The author of the Sharafndmah 4 Ibrahim, a Persian dictionary, praises 
Barbak Shah and calls him Abul Muzaffar Barbak Shah. But the only (incomplete) 
MS. which I have seen of the work, mentions no year. In Marsden’s reading of a 
Barbak Shah coin, Area I., we find by mistake O4=” for does”, though his 
translation has correctly Mahmid. 

The numerous Barbakptrs, Barbak Singhs, &c., in Bengal seem to refer to 
Barbak Shah. 

+ For a similar incorrectness in Malwah History, vide Proceedings A. S. 
Bengal, for 1869, p. 267, note 3. 

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higlt District. 297 

Inscriptions XI and XII, (Arabic and Persian). 
(The Satganw Mosque.) 
Both inscriptions refer to the building of the Satganw mosque, 
the ruins of which still exist. The first inscription is a long basalt 

tablet, which stands in a slanting position within the enclosure of 
Fakhruddin’s tomb, at the side of Inscr. X. 

ino] 2: ws Folie als oe KY I, bel, Ml] \ \y oe NG JY 
- w WwW w 
wy? Lea yd )3] plas 5 i a) csle esi . as w53,, if} 
4 : J 

ws? us jh cy?! ns? ey hs per 7 (eB bxoS } (2 3 Sis 

; J 

Je = eat aa) 3 oa ws? paul an Jes * tle us? ) 

Yo Ri, 2 pe ee a once ; 
* OS) 5 Aol 4 ase) [ST 3; as6 | GE Os), ose] 

us? # yds] alls dol 5] (7 bs Dy xe # —l5,5] ian da Lured] 

A w 

(SEES 65 2) ere wyeed hale, 2 o! loa) Uae Veh J] blu) wsj 
Jose 3 3S lag atibla . dbl ae Shas al Ane asites| wee 34 
‘Si os! or al Je= foe sig costa hs ela 

ps a ~~ w 

pew Hw hrs) yao jf eee ee 
9 i a2! oD gp Sa), dt 45,8 JOS Crdaly SKS CESS 
Nae ys Lol a) 3 diya este! zie &S hese ly 
5 i ny 

* ddokS yes 79 
God has said,—‘O ye that believe, when the call to prayer is heard on 
Fridays, hasten to the worship of God, and give up buying and selling. This 
is good for ye, if ye did believe. [Qoran, LXII.,9]. legacies are not to be 
taken possession of. The prophet, may God’s blessing rest upon him, has 
said—, ‘When thou goest out of thine house, and it be Friday, thou art a 
Muhdjir (companion of Muhammad’s flight); and shouldst thou die on the road, 
thou wilt bein Paradise, in the highest.’ And the prophet has also said,— 
‘He who wrongly takes possession of the property of a mosque and legacies, 
acts asif he committed adultery with his daughter and his mother and his sister,’ 

The mosques belong to legacies * * * (illegible)—the light of his countenance on 


298 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. [No. 4, 

the day of resurrection will be like that of the full moon. (Persian), This Jami’ 
Masjid was built during the reign of the just and perfect Sultan, Abul 
Muzaffar Sultan Nucrah Shah, son of Husain Shah, the descendant 
of Husain,—may God perpetuate his rule—by the refuge of Sayyidship, Say- 
yid Jamaluddin Husain, sonof Sayyid Fakhrud din of Amul, 
during the month of Ramazan, 936. [May, A. D.1529]. Because the Mullas and 
Zamindars (arbab), if defrauding legacies, are overtaken by the curse of Gods 
it is the earnest (bajdne) duty of governors and qdz¢és, to prevent such frauds, 
so that on the day of resurrection they may not be caught in their wicked 

The other (Arabic) inscription is fixed into the wall over the 
entrance to the mosque, 

ppl iD jel alll aole- on ve ies all] Ss 
a ee alll 3] = oy BS “ly ila eo 

us wf? an 5 dste als) ust? ot ae * eidtestl oy dS), 
hay cgi * ass) gh |pred bate al all os Laie cee oe 
oe wb Game opel ylbelw sli sai j sabe!) cole] tela} 
oi a ee wolistle <a ef eo as! - eee 
me 5? a Pele cole polls! ey rei oi) ne ae &b 

aya bss ‘ 5 
* &rhanw3 9 els 3 Cinaw Abhay KHlalljlaey red D 5 ante 3 

(Ge a “ws 

God has said, ‘ That man will build, &c.’ [Qoran IX., 18; vide Inser, IX]. 

The prophet has said, ‘He who builds for God a mosque in the world, will 
have seventy castles built for him by God in Paradise.’ 

This Jami’ Masjid was built in the reign of the just kine, Abul Muzaffar 
NucrahS hah, the Sultan, son of Husain Shah the Sultan, the descendant of 
Husain, by the worthy Sayyid Jamal Din Husain, son of Sayyid Fakhruddin of 
Amul, the asylum of the Sayyids, and glory of the descendants of Taha [the 
prophet ],—may God preserve him in the world and the faith,—during the 
blessed month of Ramazan, 936 [| May, 1529. ] 

Both inscriptions call the son of Husain Shah Wuerah Shah 
( 8,05, not Xai, or 0) ), though the word 3,2 is generally writ- 
ten and pronounced ey nugrat. For Nucrah Shah the histories, 
as is well known, have Nagih Shah (sl& ores ). The Gaur 
inscriptions and the two coins published by Mr. Laidley (Journal, 
As. Soc., for 1846, Pl. V., Nos. 22 and 23, and p. 332) have 

1870.] Arabic and Persian Luscriptions in the Miglt District. 299 

likewise Nucrah,* and give the yulis-name in full, Ndciruddin Abul 
Muzafiar Nucrah Shih. The year mentioned in the above inscription 
(end of 986) is important. It confirms the statement of the histories 
that Nucrah Shah reigned eleven years after the death of his 
father, which would make the date of his death 937 (end) or 988. 

Nuerah’s brother was Mahmud, of whom Mr. Laidley has pub- 
lished a coin dated 9383. His juldis-name is Ghidsuddin Abul 
Muzaffar Mahmud Shah. The year of the coin and that of the 
inscription would shew that Bengal was blessed by two rival kings. 
Mr. Laidley also mentions that some of the coins have the word 
Jannatabad on them, and it would be of historical interest to know 
whether that mint occurs on such of Mahmtd’s coins{| as were 
struck before Nugrah’s death, because the possession of the capital 
generally makes a rival the lawful king. 

* The Arabic 3-03, assistance, victory, has a xzammah above the nin, 
not a fathah. 
+ The words within the concentric circle of Mahmiid Shah’s eoin, which Mr. 
Laidley reads gsdls jo), appear to me to be psdl® you badr i shah, 
‘the royal full moon.’ Silver coins are compared to the moon, and gold coins 
to the sun. Hence for example, Auranezib’s sikkah ¢ chin mihr w mah. 

The correct legend on Marsden’s and Laidley’s Tajuddin Firiz Shah (Marsden, 
II., p. 575, and Laidley, U. c., Pl. V., No. 17) is— 

wert ole Gilet wots ogell utbls 
wlblalf xls Sa on og alt <6 
which is readily suggested by the saya’ or rhyme, of the legend. 

In Marsden’s copper Fath Shah (I1., p. 574), we observe the form pslbl.e 
for wale, as on Jaunpur coins (vide Proceedings As. Soc. Bengal, for 
1870, p. 152). 

The word left out by Mr. Laidley in the obverse of his Ahmad Shah (p. 327) 
looks like pbs Stor pbsed|, 

The title pdlaodt ws, on Marsden and Maidley’s Sikandar and A’zam 
Shah, should be ree | 9S, which is the standing epithet. 

Saifuddin’s name as king is not clear on Marsden’s plate. It looks like Kibrat 
Shah or Kisré Shah. The title Sultdn ussaldtin is not on the coin, 

Marsden’s Barbak Shah appears to have on the obverse the word wo and, 
as correctly read by Laidley, Kf on the reverse. The margin evidently 
contained the names of the first four Khalifahs. The words Gy pos, 

. 7 w ni 
aals [uw ] Sef, and wylQsxJ} [ wp wlere | are clear. The mém in ’Umar, 
however, is not distinct. . 

Laidley’s Mahmtid Shah (Pl. V., No. 18) seems to have on the reverse the 
following words— 

wloS} » [4 ] S? &Uy Eee eyed! daslss O2'54)| 

300 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. [No. 4, 

Dr. W. Oldham, C. §8., lately sent me a rubbing of a black 
basalt inscription in Tughra, found near the village of Sikandar- 
pir in the ’Azimgarh District. It refers to the building ofa 
mosque which was completed on the 27th Rajab, 933, and Nugrah 
Shah is mentioned as the reigning sovereign. 

D. Panduah. 

The great mosque of Panduah has no inscription, nor did I see 
one on the tower. Plates VIII. to X. shew the interior of the 
mosque, its principal niche atthe side of the pulpit, and three of 
the most finished basalt pillars, with the Budhistic bells, of which 
there are also many on the outer wall of the mosque. Plates XI. 
and XII. give views of the tower, east of the mosque, and its door. 
The tower is drawn from a photograph; the other views are 
excellent drawings by Mons. Jules Schaumberg. ‘To complete the 
series of plates, a view of the mosque itself would be required, as 
also a drawing, shewing some of the numerous ornaments on the 
outer walls, which are in excellent preservation. 

The mosque which stands to the west of the Ast.nah of Shah 
Cafi has four inscriptions, of which one is inside. They are un- 
fortunately very high from the ground, and it was with much 
difficulty that I could get a good facsimile of one, and an imper- 
fect one of the central tablet. I hope at some future time to get 
a complete rubbing of the latter, which is the most important of 
the four. From the imperfect rubbing which I have at present, it 
is clear that the mosque was built during the reign of Abul Mu- 
zaffar Yusuf Shah, son of Barbak Shah (1474 to 1482). 
The other inscription contains blessings on the prophet, and has 
therefore no historical value. It runs— 

Inscription XIII. (Arabic). 

ugh? r Be bad EL Nol] cele 5 whew )) 5 slass DI ahem le 

= Us 
ere), ey! \y Shine py ote ba) al) aloe 

The lém and zé of al-zamdn are in one, and the zé touches the mim, which 
has the initial form. Here we have again the saja.’ 

Mr. Laidley says that there are many monuments in Bengal of Husain Shah’s 
munificence, An Arabic inscription referring to the digging of a well in 

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli District. 301 

The characters of the inscription are Tughra ; but unlike those of 
the Tribeni inscriptions, they abound in round strokes (dawar), 
which brings the writing nearer to modern Nasta’lzq. 

- The modern Qutb Cahib Mosque, so called from Hazrat Shah 
Qutbuddin, a pious man who is said to have come from Bhagalptr 
to Panduah, has the following inscription. 

Inscription XIV. (Persian). 

Pep! yee) all) «ans 

al} Nowy dae@all] | al} J 
OH Jad dal 5 jas a4 af o coe A es ylyyas 
i LakDy RII Gad gee ga ed! tas) eat wh es 
dt Lo, alee j)ddk yy Res % dl Uy by 5 de? HS ay 
at Iilgiy oo gh opt AS # ope Mdbaly pyle i Sle pei 
od iy il Ages ase tae olif nad ops? gs 2 | 

| [fe Aw 

Hence the mosque was built in the 9th year of Muhammad Shah 
of Dihli, A. H. 1140, or A. D. 1727-28, by one Fath Khan, son of 
Shuji’ Afghan Stir. The poet Azad, who mentions, himself in the 
last line, I am told, was the son of Munshi Shakir, of whom a 
letter-writer exists, entitled Insha 7 Shakir. The first hemistich of 
the second verse is faulty in metre; for in scanning the ’ain of 
Shujd’ has to be eliminated, and ,4% must be read 4&4 fatah, accord- 
ing to the Hindustani pronunciation. The Zérzkh also is awkward. 
The last migra gives 1180; and the hamzah over the final h in ka’ bah 
must be counted, as it does in scanning, for a yd, which gives 10 
more; hence 1140. 

Birbhim near the old Padishahi road by that King, was published in 
Journal A. 8. Bengal, for 1861, p. 390. ‘The inscription mentions the year 
A. H. 922 (A.D. 1516). Two others of A. H. 908 and 909 (A. D. 1502 and 
1503) will be found in the Proceedings for 1870, p. 112, note and p. 297. 

The legend on the Husain Shah published by Laidley, Pl. V. No, 21, is very 
unclear. The words after assultdn ave evidently a dwd on the king. The 
first word looks like abgdhu or abqahd, the second seems to be lil-kdffah ; then 
comes a broken word, after which there is a minanuhu wa mahdmiduhu 
bi indyat (7) illahi. The rest is clear. 

302 Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higlt District. |No. 4, 

In the mosque of the Asténah, there is a short inscription which 
shews that it was once repaired by a Hindu.* 
Inscription XV. (Persian). 

[ erate bolS | 
SN Se 
Dm 9 yrie pel 4 4 ol 
{iVv¥ hha # BgilirgsS a presnly 
THe KaALman. 

The lamp, the mosque, the niche, the pulpit, Abu Bakr, Umar, Usman, 

and Haidar (Ali). A.H.1177. [A. D., 1763]. Built by Lal Kunwar Nath. 
EK. Di’na’na'th. 

Dinéndéth lies about a kos east of Madaran, in the parganah of 
Jah4nabad, which forms the north-western portion of the Hugli 
District. The faridgdh mentioned in the Proceedings for this year, 
p- 120, has two inscriptions. The southern entrance has the follow- 
ing verses (metre, short Hazy). 

Inscription XVI. (Persian). 
peel sLasale gla Sos? % dat Gls slash dy 2 
: 5 + Z A 
pone ahi Cpe Bedged * Sago] 5] Sis dul cleign 
‘alll oe guts Uy! hau) % KS x J kiy0 pais) Uslye 
" Oy Tw Great a ‘ Tee 
bm) Sliven Lita aida Lm * dy rd i of) Leila y Sed 

gle UNS vl, ole sh as x diy,$ nod) unl petite 
o « § ry . 7 * 
phe ee Ko 20 + yt j # jgy'l Joa be plollodye 

cr lredya Spe Sia-0 # glo loi ca) eae ailo nt & 

* Ag remarked on p. 123 of the Proceedings for 1870, dargdhs of saints 
belong to the people, and the spiritual blessings attending on pilgrim- 
ages to holy places are distributed without reference to creed. I do not 
think that Mubammadans ever contributed money to the erection of Hindi 
temples, &c.; but Hindtis have done so for mosques, in order to please their 
rulers. Thus Rajah Bhagwan Das built during Akbar’s reign the Jémi Masjid 
of Lahor. The heavenly rewards which Hindis thus earn in the opinion of 
Muhammadans, are somewhat limited, and all that Muslims will say is to 

1870.] Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higlt District. 303 

In the reign of Muhammad .Shah, when Nawab Asad Jang had left 
Orisé for Bengal, he encamped at this place which is called Dinanath, and 
devoted himself to establishing order in the Subah of Bengal, according to 
the strict order of the sovereign. The hearts of the subjects rejoiced at the 
happy news. This place has therefore been called Mubarak Manzal; for the 
wishes of the people were fulfilled. 

When this happy spot was laid out, I (the poet) searched for a hemistich 
which was to give the tdrikh, and a voice from heaven whispered into my ear, 

© Mubarak Manzil e daulatsara ham’. 

This gives A. H. 1136, or A. D. 1728-24. 
On the northern gateway, there are two verses (metre Miwtass). 

Inscription XVII. as 
pike ay Sa) ws? nas % LAs mae Coe 0 
ca by order of the generous Nawab, this place of safety was erected, the 
voice from heaven said regarding the auspicious year the words ‘ Sardi Muta- 
minulmulk malja e’dlam’, this isthe Sarai of Mutaminulmulk, the refuge 
of the world. 
The letters of the Zértkh give A. H. 1148, or A. D. 1730-31. 

Regarding Mutamin ul Mulk Shuja’uddaulah Asad-jang Bahadur, 
vide Stewart’s Bengal, p. 261. 

In conclusion I may be allowed to express a hope that the mem- 
bers of the Society will forward to Calcutta rubbings of inscrip- 
tions. It is thus alone that our imperfect knowledge of the history 
of this country can be completed. For Bengal especially, inscrip- 
tions are of great value, because old histories have perished, 
and coins and local records are the only available sources.* 

repeat the words which the author of the Tabaqat i Nd¢irt has in praise of the 
unparalleled liberality of Lachman Sen, the last King of Bengal, ‘ khaffafa 
Alldhu ’anhu-l ’azab, may God lessen his punishment in hell! (Tabg. Naciré, 

fe %* Since writing the above, rubbings and copies of (Muhammadan) inscriptiong 
have been sent to the Society by Messrs. Delmerick (Rawulpindi), Harrison 
(Bareli), Viery (Chaprah), Carlleyle (Agrah), Oldham (Ghazipur), and by a 
Muhammadan gentleman in Bardwan. ‘They will be published in the next 
number of the Journal. Information has also been received of inscriptions 
existing at Ambika Kélnah (Culna on the Hooghly) near the tomb of one Ukul 


a | 

bie chi 


a vale h 

INDEX TO JOURNAL, Parr I, For 1870. 

= 8 e— 
j Page 
A’azzuddin Aburja, Malik, appointed Vazir,...........00% ug 
se Malikcasonvot, Ala Wabin.. : $35 hess saccehore nee 1 
Abraham the priest, ..... So nba o ne DEO herekenyer eek sn oood 61 
_ 4. SLECHDILII CR aU ene ea a ar ana abies Ras et ices Sie 60 
Acacia Arabica, ...... Siahaalet shatlehera Ae te ceap eter aene alate S Re Zod 
BaP CALCCH,. earn an eee at ite leet sae wiaecucam cts tals ey aosee ey aie 216 
50 SUITINY SS alick caret slictioliey"al ey ot ctisliavciicuel cults; cUevei nie ce) sabia wite ceNavehal ovata 232 
Achala Basanta,....... Selshercletotevelenatottehsteh« dN otelte Bellehohaliete'e ate 168 
Adenanthera pavokina,...... S055 20 Ob UoHOd UBL O DORE - 281 
Adilabad, the fortress of Muhammad Tughluq, .......... 79 
pa ea ATE OTAII I Jc. 2 6 silly cedars ear Midestarel eb ole & deleiie eaten eDor 
Aisle marmelos,......... SeDobouD iialctotoPeteiotencratelotets BG bho by 4 
_£ ETHEL Hg oy Aa re DEN 8 ee EEN EA CAPE A 6 : 154 
ANT IGIBII Ee ol KAN WTA ey crop te ree eer er Tanye TATE EAI EU Seo Ee UE aU Cun aie : 44 
pam-ol-mrullke Malik. of Maultanyis {255 ic yess eislesclemve.s : 1 
PB NANT GOS L ALE: cease ots va vnie ois Fatadeds lore ata emda hee dna mele alten 
*Alauddin, his measures for maintaining a standing army,.. 23 
»,  interdicts the use of wine, ............... Sapeterees 8 
5 prevents insurrections,........... Sogotbssdaces 3 
ye OPPGessivie measures Of, |< 2% <6 (a2ie)ou- allel dohiel ea ave 9 
op | MPRERIVE! CIOMOS OH CAM Hoo ooodonuoU Sse co dods 25 
a besteses Rantambhiry 02-2222. ceeeaasie svete 1 
» tolerates private use of wine, .................. 6 
PAli Beg,..... TSU ASE RRB SS55 Sodom 5/6455 Be teesteiste eel 43 
= defeated by Alauddin, <6... 2465 5. iia ae Bakr cess 40 
*Ali, Covenant of, ............ «apt eta ens estetin seateta ancy 29 Pe - 60 
Alling Bez nee pid es eRe Cee My hs BONG sha Nkbelate Bi iicseterete 158 
Pe eb pi st. ui sore s oia0 2 a Ree perc ea ed AUR taint ad 
Amrohah, Battle of, ......cccccersvss cece see maeceeans 40, 43 
Anantachaturdas’i, ....... espe aie weeraite bhehehaaks als sMoRLe even ietut faites 
Ananta, one of the great serpents, .....-..++085 steieielal alele’s ih hin ean 

”? varma Deya, eooecoeoseenereooeoeve0e7ee7R7 OTe FF eH HH HC 22D 156 rz 

3806 Index. 

Anekpal, first king of the Tanwar dynasty, ........... Are 
Antiquities/of tie) Nallty lailise7 0.0, 6): ec eyes s sis «terete 
Arunodaya Saptanii, .j. 0+ sae. « BORE SOD Oda 5 6 70 < 
BAistokaslatamal site. Peelers oa a eysieie cute a alicaeielenauelece Ge ee ones 
Assia bills. Antiquities ol(the vty.) jc cimcusteeiatale slope teva isin 
ERTS, ds So bOeC fale oak lai alae. 6 w BURehiolete Sum aecneslt Petes aie ee eueeege Ss 
MUNGO s'oo.o00 00 Aah oWaicetenvaaucncdnete raters 7s cis nzdcpeke «leiea sue venentees 
Aurangzib defeats and kills Dara Shikoh, ..........0..000 
Autosra pias OleD il hiebammperors, | er) yaar eos eer 
Avdall, (Mr. J.,) on the Covenant of ALT, 50: oe recoiels peteletiete 
Ni acca aclata, sane a acs. sve pvatais le-ere/eVeileilsse\ velfel oy’ ols « leteiseeneueietee 
A AUN tate codes so fe erode seiataietsie's/e ced ee eae she Rasy aia 
Barbak Shah, King of Boa sno06 sites 5 a)ehe 1 be acho 50 
Bar-chana, ....... Liste eee orate arte ialeneda ents Sea 
Barani’s and Nizam-i-Harawi’s accounts of Mughul invasions 
GOMNOMROC Hoo bo g200cg0D00D OOS eES Seca wlatte ait 
SP ATUIAUD A Mba ais Sih cabea ehia cerca eVsNorisel © \sics astute Tiem ewe cea etereee stots 
Baudhayana on Funeral Ceremonies, .............: 3300 
Bayley, inscription, of the Sue Vihar, 22.5200. ovens sles 
iBeames; reyoinder' to Mr. Growse, ............+.:00% vole 
Bedernan’ thew Nizames MerritOnyaieiracie el. lciaterater ates 
Bem crea cannes etn crete tere etoile: ole) oPelok be selieioneteciteter ss clever tone tones : 
Bhardvaja,on Huneral Ceremonies, 9... «<6 6. os eieele sae 
Bhidattasbrahma Smile. sek cs eee etn eeee ee eee 
Bhikshu Atreswara, o.....s0. AR GICR Oc Cai Reo carta alviavehetncereate 
Bignonia suaveolens, ........ eas Nie totes Seteras svarebe oaiecer 
Birupay LHe sae was. ts Ga vce Ae Fin eee eee dea seieaae 
Biyanah sadistrict, im) the wD ually, 2 2). cer sels se seek Sie : 
Blochmann, H., Facsimiles of Autographs of I ahangir, &c., 
andimote on, Waraashakomymecens . pies viele ae 
sf , Arabic and Persian Inscriptions in the Higli 
District,-..s... Sita wl eieveiesNelty SOD ROO MO SOUODO oot. 
Bombax dala bari cui eer cysi(ceeieeteleries eiste se ciele nek ete tale ‘ 

Bonhara temple, Notes on a fi Bie ibe ase erelntors sinina «pa aloe emets 
Buddha-bhima, ...... seis air 5 OO on BR RO ac ateys 
» «Ghogha, srissrventsese vee. bin eye SielsneUnteste 

Index. 307 


puddha- Mahinda, si. cesses es oes BPEL AUNT, sisi RECO Bea dE 6 ON 128 
i ERen kadai hea wie) lial ss) ate Ria etaay he apenas doar one de falter ei crei swears 6 128 

5 dase, SenmelaewrTain ee), sls GAG Ke moe oma olkd setio ia tatetenevecett |i Lord 
pualiet ueumes tm INGMTOIE, i ee es wee ole eee wcleces ¢ 159 
omiMlinMGo ci, Wom) Of) 615i el.) 26 wise «+= « Weedon tense stenel crs 84 
Walltgraphers,) §...- 3.65 Soreleveatetcnaructarersenu aie Sere soocn Af il 
Calloploylitam maepolayg dona, ooocKd hoa cho uns ouUMonaadoocGo 216 
Caloimopis /Sieamtedy.. 6 ./alcle cc «+ Pat caver one acim deat youn 223 
Ghali Kihans ls 2.3508 <i Bi dircteticlincat gira satay ace m bermatepa ic ie an ote ee 44 
Clialinlkomey ID aneisiay, SEMEN EL Ole, ao con couooobe hoo ooudbo 153 
Chandra Sekhara Banurji (Babu), on Cuttack Antiquities, 158 
Chhimnamasta, pemcarnatiOncoly yy) eeu nem eee eileen rs so PAOD 
Chitor, Investment and reduction of the fort of, ......... , 19 
Circle of stones in Eusoofzye, Measurements ofa ........ 59 
Clerodendron viscosum, .....-. eNeleleraie\egs she ol cretaveltatevelieis A) pxel 
RG lithonaiay Germiartay ys 66 ese ee ele ie ole lel or aieiallsraseisce\otavelial alatelst OT) 
WocoshmUcwleraye Ves. Geis kk cereal alone ieevele cise alonelaystaret alse 231 
Colebrooke, on Funeral Ceremonies, ....2....ee00. ise ateii te Qeab 
COlOceisie GmngiNermn, Sh oaodoocddosbuccaodsdcKbS Be Aoi 228 
se JEG oder Rtte Gn ac Baro tereys Meee eaitece at cooriel eneperst evar .228, 232 
Copilmuni Notes on) the shrine of) nes. sae ieen 235 
Woncliaylatitoliay cscs crete siete ders heres SIN een seateuevereranetts 223 
Curcuma longa,..... Meheke uealle ayatetels eels DOR tents ein CER nate 228 
Cynodon dactylon,......... cileleltaVebuitchciich ONSEN SI PA EMME 230 
Dabkai in the Sirkar of Kol, ....... LR AR SMO meee Me 8 
TD Glee. Shona roi bari GOR Ae ty Als GE Icons pels Hoek 2G 
Dadhikarna Devi, ........- A HN Btaredatehs ina teieta telteestantouevamente eae DALY 
iDaleslamin IRAN) ogugoud) codoudoduGuboSe bon odoboodD EC ad 202 
Deesius, Macedonian month, mentioned in Indian inscriptions, 67 
eS oacs bens 6 Om eels @ vcimrole eaters! otal aim atetone satiate Sh Ae 
iDEpsoeyo, Ones Oocinen ad shel elaner aie clieta/wiialle tale even s 5) 1 NOS) 
aero ulalesm determined, 2 fsa seit Me yok 155 
1Oeinfeloloul rfslagb i 5 iy yee ee eRe stale (nee va lonae Ctticttledeh ata eaea moe Aven S10) 
MPM ETE Grima Weistieaiibelohotce-)el ofete’aberehefelolislalsseisis eiciate tihels cdoabeocss 230 

Weawson, Gondi \Words.and Phrases, oyistticiscsssesteres ovee ee LOS, 
¥ “a Niocalomlanysee a atltatsle helene. Boia el 074 

308 Index. 

Dehba in the Sirkar of Ghaziptr, ......... patatane ea ohete : 8 
Dalhis Promotie Noyes some c)acer)-c > cle «scl ettel se ican 70 
epathanbualdimes abuse eee sees cee oid Seti oe ae 87 
ean aTi ay Cola Otero eck sors weasyeces ey aetaneNe 53.064 86 
PM mSIO SOS O1 ie yiac i ara ear ie aries sr AR Oa A BP RAIA o> 44 
PGA CTO LIE geet ia g's dy evaiel oxamal dies seek ea mt tear wie ate Ne 84 
Delmerick, on the remains at Shah ki Dheri, .............. 89 
Demonolooywand Salctaytaly men soe soe eek cise) ieee eee <) N20 
Deora spattle ol ews eee acs oe dea eees Ske ee ee eee 275 
Desmodium Payc ams veel s pir Cctint ital ove ve ls. Sere vehioas is uemen tee 231 
MBB) chav siden geet Sete pokes yng Se ear at ates ctbate ona Loca oelloie ota. coietatel tise ofc RP Oenelenane oth eae 
Dharmadasa, .,... Bieta tenses simenaroe ty quare eval adedsiohel Cise yeh oe seca ota uid 2S 
narnia atta, ee ese ur catens sve ok ske late vbaieh ayers eh einkn ch srel ere eeeaee ie 130 
Dimila identified, ........ Des OontGgmOdeGadetnsadenas co 155 
Dinanath, inscriptions at, ...-.. ie tar eue pleco a lenmarane va aaete aiateeerers 
Durvashtami,....... uae See npOAnnanosar Angee a cde dee 
Himeliey Kashmiri West words, 5) ale 7 ¢e/e voles sl sions : 95 
OER, CHUOOIAAINS,  pooaannocod snonnon SneostconcduaL aeZe 
IdapPdosenne), ION, candoondgoanndnr aie 230 
Huploxbia antiquorunm iworshapiot, nec cle ae eel sent eae 202 
I DUEsOo Aye, Omealle, Cit SHON Ue Se ac Conde pempahen ee aac . 58 
Facsimiles of autograph of Dihli Emperors,....... Sop onou el 
Venlcchiveuvel clitaawe MM eallallca eins faye aoe aly lo eni eee alice alas s Sakeee tates =: 44 
ethshahmicamovot lem pals). Gey ssaialctaw a Ms aiesuaeieee Pr eeraeetnhae oN 1 
LMIGHS, SUC MNEHENED, ooo pUnneaoanoAhonorcdeausnasca cob Am Neh 33 
ay PLOUGH OS AeA itatens ccule lea Mace whatsor eee Aerie Sie ae 215 
“9 WIGINORD, cogdasacosanonc ieee we rrew eee BAS soc sucoo6 223 
Firdzabad, The Palace of,.......... sh Slat eal Elen nn. sear ae “ 80 
iruz) shah Duckie, Moms Of ytacpetstetecsteictets cere e clon Mio fee 81 
Firtz Shah, King of Bengal,...... ten POTION .. 288, 299 
Moulkes (om copper Sasamams-pron ice ciee ss soe ee eee e seeikos 
Fuller’s Translations from the Tarikh-i-Firiz Shéhi, ...... 1 
Funeral Ceremonies of the Hindus, ..... ADs cies eee 241 
5 processions,....... are Kae Lois ease iene ees i esenetene - 254 
Ghasoarie\battlesompthe;ieriselstsst silos alesis oe itsaieineiee 41 

GinAzi Bes dino Werte ch ayes eitalalee meine + ccenetense ances 4 

Giazd MaKe ld ccctse sce c ewes ese esins Saugcoraoe 004% 
Ghidspur, a portion of Delhi, ........ cece e eee eeeee ° 
Ghias-nd-din -Balban,-Tomb Of, .:.-.:0:0°. 0-s:12: ee'0  w-e's 00's /o'a'n ® 
Gondi vocabulary: ..:.. 10.0% sfalicitafofielisitosetetrorfe (ov cliet stot st etal ehayere 
MU ods) Cl PN WASES, yscesovoysio uszcrexebertereiral oVeroke! odole al's) dkelarers 
Growse, rejoinder to Mr. Beames, .......-ceecceecsevere 
it TUCO OIUCULG yy vere cota sie «orale area's wistatete ata e heastane scetans 
Gujrat, causes of the revolt in, ee ceidlooduacic 
Gung, the Mughul chief captured by Attain Hielateisiat 56 
Haji Maula, Revolt ve ecococose once CeGURECOOUMECooOS 
Hamad aN, - 6... 6003 « Gece co cnCeecncoos cocdunnsocuac 
Hamid uddin, Malik, son roe Atay Dallouirseieveves teneheletonerctehe 
Hamir Deo, Rai, put to death, .......... Ba AAs 2’ ots cele 
Leis eats teers Fieve eee tates Peleteleielaietetelorsieite sNataewe a ietats as 2 
terns Me CASITA so one etelcrcte tora e) <iovelel fel e iexeie oleic lore : 
Hindus, Funeral Ceremonies of the, ....... Snabcooor : 
Eiipiagemadablota,’......-.6<.s5- 6 Kgooousocd 0 . 
Hiranya kesyantesthi prayoga, .......<... snagvocnacdco 
iol Wistrict. Tusexiptioms, 3. .6 ss «+01 a seta REL iAoateiatavas 
Pinsaimyohah, kanes ot, Bengal) 7.) ics ese «s/s Ao oosan bag omeer 
MEH OVS Ea cache cise. on Ree ees Pieters ics) sis Wie rctelerevetoiors etorene 
Indarpat, a portion of Delhi, ............. eydcDoceDOOuS . 
Inscriptions from Kalvakonda, ...... ne! erotoyerer Seer etels ° 
A dr ona, Marin Uae a Asysrcieiaseies west ia Si okele si flat titeis ak 
* at Sétganw and Tribeni, Hugli District, ....... 
r Of ohaay ki Dheriiwes arasrary see cero steroimene : 
op of the Ste Vihar,..... CrootodocwacougoDoOS . 
io ane Miniliytemmbiy | Cc gupenuooobuGn SMBUS nos : 
43 ey [Danae Te RE SS erca ccc et eS RINE UD Ehaih Erlend . 
Tpomea reptans,....-s-ccescsinees iyaleroters esr ae 6 
Iqbalmandah’s invasion repulsed by ’Alauddin, ........... 
Su Ene) aire) led on coor codoidoonaueaodd . 2 
Jahén Khan, Mosques of,.....-.ecsesseee NOAH Obe clas cho oe 
Jami, MSS. of his works, .......... Ghat (sarees dis lei ateltel = 172, 
ATMA, Ao aie a de op vices a nces'a's > * s'5/ els ais Oe 
DMI ICAU Gy bas pele owes @ o.nyn) 6:0; <yoh diel aint aielslalele 

316 Index. 

Jaya Sinha founds the Chalukya Dynasty, .....+ceseseee 154 
Vaan evan aa. Selene mes eee eM eee ae 6 156 
ei isiyan, Weenie eee eee ete seine busiate iss rokictts, cptieees 8 
Jivaka Tihseunetee, ated Assn tone etd Gre eaore es one aie 1147) 
Jonesia asoka, ..... tha Wieelets siete oh SBE Meee Che his Sig eee pap} 
Ke bnesmesam bivalves. seen claeiete eta Bee Biers 8 le 8 
Keatur Nath wevazaraD Inari Sarees cteatvelec soto seta ae . 44 
Kali, Incarnation OL eis Bat aiie iavtestais Se allots totene i arae bates ro 201 
Koala Discomiaturesotimee se cee sei. BA RSH rola cio 5 204 
ighaReyaeye cies ee rokenetelcfolerets \edeveraia\acebedetale atte) dckegeee nee 202 
Kalvakonda inscription, ........ wb Reteleler cites te wks i.e sfc eye aaa Oe 
* sbi Dib aiud ey Ser ee aM ar ane ha ainme renee SLi A 153 
iWalyanyy Capital of Kaun tala fatalstetene ccveite tatelerscie oles ene 154 
AGioienacht 10, days) reece INnaMenL, Coo cagsoeec ogo obec So Sn: 8 
HUT SITAR re ay shea) caret retetietete eel e's aitotsSalabol/sPolaiepetonettaRe tot bel oFadewe 67 
A Damiviat Ole ois 2h. nies teen eis ol ate selene tae orate so caloke tomer 67 
Hark otaikcay > ve epilator sina varae ieee sldlianieteitetetepons totnlete pants ake tea iene 218 
Kashmir, its hermits, and Diknats, SS NUN TSS ea oe Nene . $265 
Kashmir Dest wOrderen ccte cece shelton es aalvaeleeniecsiene ous eee 95 
KatcharsmRolilcuidsr neat lerreeriereiecasek tees clone cfolersroraemee . 8 
Kévarantala arcs eae oe piece Leatevelene 60 
Khazinat ul Acfia, a work on Mane emidan comets, sain Siw aloe LP 
Ghielcar MD Able Olse tera cle: scaarscavsys kee ts ielcumileletciloreke S005 900050 43 
Khiraj-guzir applicable by Muhammadan law to Hindu 
RAO AOU See net teee vels tote tis ve och tcleke ein) eles aog006 Gonodoes 11 
Iayeneln Nes, Soon togooded G05 OO dOLoAG ADO Sho nod ciara : 44 
Kili, seca ei Br ate cae AA ee Nae dae bee yaaa 
Kilul’ hari, a portion of IDeilt Gd ogcdosooo dogs soado 060 Ko . 5 
Kare ti veremaa, (mie or Kaliya ta yolae cle teive eens ieee Arne meta Sip bass 
Keshotrapalassmyct-tocie emt teri oboonmeoadaougado Boe Ue 
Kubja, Vishnu vardhana surnamed the,..........:..e.+e05 154 
Kuntala, Kingdom of Vishnu vardhana, .........-+.-+«.. 154 
Lahore attle tat. uy «yet «ates cictteree eee ks Boob ons boo6 44 
Tdwaloue The proprietory right of the Hindus he ’Alaud- 
Ol Meet Gianna 2 HERO OO Oa tie 600000905 Tonetenccnotet-tetenee 7 

Leucas Martinicensis, @evesesn ®@eeeeeeo77e 862288864 F eee 231 


Lexicography, Contributions towards Vernacular,......... : 

Library of the Dihli Emperors, .......... 
i nviGET a SCAT OMS, 15 \6 occ cnleeie sso -wre'tes ate rae 
MTom ey Peer? ciel efaiicrehaiaile ra) stclss-chete'a! «iat sre 

Macedonian month Deesius in the Sue Vihar inscription, 

MVE olrcer seal eM ETO SULs)) 9s orerepersreisietosesersiehersrets 
Mahdabhy, Derivation of the word, ........ 
Mahavinayaka hill, Antiquities of the, ......... 
Mahishasura or the buffallo-demon, ...... 
Mahmid Shah, king of Bengal, ......,... 
Mahk Atabak, ..... Webakores ol er diab nesalat ot lolatohe 
Monnaies OCI Bho ouoounoonouedDb dso 
Manes worshipped in Vastu Yaga, ..... ere 
Mangalisa, kins of Kalyan, oo... 2... 
WWiauneritora alin Clee shaterstatsieterens) st och aleveve ete ie ake 
lca ey Mia D Ke si 5ieie:0y ovat etellays elereeis eet choiel eel ots 
AW lenavilke) Ova) i ae RO SoDe0eo OURO sietelele 
Market-Laws of ’Aléuddin, ovcn Wier aoksa a separa: 
Matcadnagar, ......... sotolelchsVohollopcreel aneenoie 
Miata dmisernptlons, .)c/sesiere) s/eietosets oh eel e 
Max Miller on Funeral Ceremonies, ...... 
Messua ferrea, ....... shod akeyevek apts OAS 

Mihira, peeeo; oes eovee0eaceeoseveeeaxree Gee eo 

MinmansOp Se CLE MCI. Wes) si veleie «laisse shekenern siete 
Mirobalans arguna, ....... oe en bes bn Bie 
MMomordi@a,,Charantary: » 001s ee + 0.0.6 wero weary 

Mosques in old Delhi, Construction of the, 

PMU OMEN C CUED Sie 5is ec sae a vin asia ore as 
Minardi sale eNom b: OF, ) «60's 1s) eis 'ehspopsiepsrs 

oe 9 6 8 £ © © eee 8 © Oe Oo 

exvreceveetaece ve eo o 

e@eereceoeteceoe ot 

208 e702 78020200 © © 

eeoveeese2ec eo eee 

ee 6¢ee2e0e8 ees eve o 

eereeee2 ee 8 030 Oo 

eeeetsee ec eee ee 

eeeocree cee pee 

Mughul invasions in the reign of ’Alauddin,............ 

Muhammad Tughlugq, fortress of, ........ 
Murshid Quli, Khan, Nawab, 5 0. .5 00+, 
MUP eA OUSALCA, oo) «) 3 5.0.0) 0's hol heh al tr) ol iol et 
Nagiruddin Husain Shah of Bengal, ....... 
Naga as distinct from Sarpas, ..........0. 

UNE ALY KN ety oiate: chal vist o!s' axatehateissoist shai «/er hs) etehers 

t4eoeee eect e eee ees 

eooeres eee oe vee e 


312 Index. 

Napa: Kiesara,... syiiasystsgeas started errs oie wets shite broly aonb saree 
INGE oy sras nS Gsasuenc don ye cercyavecvaccauedssoue in, MEL Racers OEE cotas oes ee 
Mamamiatay aes am e's el niaitehe omic cio eee Cl esciois cools ci ee 3 69 
Nic apaAnchannie < ale smitsuu tite ors asec ner ec ree 214 
MNO AIOASAs al fhe fed sie wisial stecta the 6 Boise hy stats cps kaha ieee oy 
iNGe aoltalla re etiters. “sails (ass Oa wie aetedee eee aces oat ole vanes areal 
Naga pushpa,..... Sa olbnoda00o0r7cGo0 ap Seeicbertiee sere eae af gt 2A 
Neacagpushipilkeda pra elilericm cere oie eyelets spocche «eines «hgeeucene 215 
(Nida remy uous creole. 5 « jouatewoheb eves te ee 5 bs) S pelea th owe 
Neaearsanalhiawyjarrp tsetse: HOO OUSO r ORRCP ET ICR He boi os ies 
ING orally uciegaere 6 + Br ree side canes sae gebcrayey txchsse EN 214 
Naga vandhu,...... BS, SEROUS TIC Sy om ocean We 
Naga yashti, ..... oto 00-01 b, OF Sisco ogi amoeba lekale eateres ereiacite ones 
Nalti hills, Antiquities of tO ieee evelshe sseeiatiel oy we efay cio’ ee Woeroueee + » 168 
INauenveenaay, wsloenanayer Cia Wale Oweei cancadaodsooecoscanc: ot (208 
INAS APOMUY a Aia chee cekenoteyaucr-petsuyeeusie eaciots aieneuzapsimyruatecwel bic ten eetene ie fk 29 
Nauclea cadamba and cordifolia, ..-..... a aaaoe iusto ae 230 
NEKO. Goodadsoauode a reheuale love ever a bis cdetctie oh a's wis ease ae i Ee, 
Newall, Hermits in Kashmir, ..... BEA city aPC sieve phalenatets pam oe 
Nisan, derivation of the word, .....-....... Bago cae S5Or 52 
Nisumbha demon,...... ce jaiteatoboal ei aaa Bie Aya oieeeyeet Dice oy Meese i, » 200 
Nircralips na be akanevormben calli ws. \.,saieacneleieiuvelo f+ helene oe 
Ocimum ascendens, ..... Sioa Lois wibreys sk jeipsie ie ceheie.6. .ojurcpeye ons cay eRURMEO Ee 

5  (oausGt, ~D apo boDoDooUbo Dba IG0d0 NT Sone be O55 »  2zen 

o PAINGHDIT, | sanb oop ooDoDD a ROddOdAOOS- NROS a905 231 

A RCO IRIN, ho eS obo od SoC Sod uGob se class ose mr 43) | 
ONS, sogsgbcdgob ooo do dosenboue nd aaBg hes SS A UP 5 sa Th ee 
OVyZa Sativa, ...cseseeeseereen esr eeeee Sao Noe eas teens 
(PASM MURINE, yo acsoobaoaneodus dao BE si30 Prarie Jejeaie 
Palace otebumazA AG malveperareeatteietn ole cl aiciel sie\sim) tate lseie eters - 80 
Pallavas, King of the, ....... dousesdnescue VEEP Toes 4 - sii Gupitort 
(PRINGORKPAHls oo dacs aqdoN ie ft eR CAR Abi fs on dete Bente Sate 222 
Pandanus odoratissimum, ....... RO oe eR a Renae 5: “3 ees 
Pankipachri granted by Rajendravarma, ...,........... 3 here 
iParikshita, -). <1. steiccletsvesiocmiaue eteia puRe aia jae aeusitoate ee ee 

Parosapachatrisa, o...ccceseeereceerees arene 5» wee pio pa Cal eetS 

Index. 318 


Pathan buildings at Delhi, characteristics of, ....... aerclet 87 
MANUT ATIVE ye Vale eleva tatareraie ohetetebareretetetatireteds WElarons ver sesh klnr eh etaietal are Fan hes) 
Peace Glus LOD UEOIN Hs tell ests. bls 20 ced Sele elsldletle ois Jiveged 
‘Phayre, on a circle of stones in the Eusoofzye district,...... 58 
ees OSTREXS PAlUIMOSEY osc ss rein roratorete voters abomekeloh cforetorsis peorereneee viding 3 282 
PMG BYUVIOSULIGs, «ot. 0% te tots tater ts tote te totote slorsmeyero tone sleroie etdwrabala « 231 
iper bet] 65. ...-.:<-.% wlelfofataterefeletetoreter rete! SHER AD OU Hopio oasis 214 
Poa cynosuroides, ......++ deine Giese re ile wort tT OL TEIN ese p ha) Da | 

Pratapachandra Ghosha, on Tree and Serpent worship, .. 199 
, on Vernacular Lexicography, .... 181 

Pterocarpus santalum, ....... eYataVototchatelororeteareretoneveden st eaaitagalt 231 
Hverospernum acerifotum,! (iio sacs tae des Hebe eailediod ee 232 
Pulakesi, grandfather of Vishnu vardhana, .............- 155 
Pwnica -sranatum; ...c00..seeee ee Fe tala toile totes aMONe se RRL ote) c 230 
Purana: @ilahiof Delhi, ne... suse s cheese eee Ghia waleive 86 
Pushto name of the circle of stones in Husoofzye,........+ 59 
Qutlugh Khwajah,.........% PRES CES TERS ESE SCR yess. ‘ 43 
Fahab,. Battle-on the; 2% .44scsee ence tle ern sinevrel olene valdta 44 
Rabu, derivation of the term, ....00.% cccecevecseseaes o. 200 
Rajendralala Mitra, on Funeral Ceremonies of the Hindus,.. 241 
5 , on Mathura Inscriptions, ...........; 117 
Majendravarme- Deva (Raja); 23 cc vase che ee rence ews 156 
Raktavija demon, .........5. ae. Fa RSE SE, La G8 e200 
antambhur-captured;: ...c..scresae tess es ates eho 2 
‘5 Sie@eOf ssi are sess s ae ee Sea eles oe 1 
Rash Behary Bose (Babu), on the antiquities of Copilmuni, 225 
> on the Bonhara Temple, ...... 232 
Remains at Shah ki Dheri,: 6.2.10. cic cere sees eens Sisto oye 89 
Grishis m Kashmir; -issasssaseass aa soe Ou BS . 3865 
Romanak, residence of Kaliya, ssscscsscsecee SPREE PO! 204 
Saccharum spontaneum, orate tated ese G hati | Dad 
PBWAD, prsserssslacicsdissiaca eRe ee Pee 61 
SWakrotthany+334226336359544443% OC ee 225 
Sakti, Worship of, «. 66.666; Fionn Dolo bb ibn Be ane a 202 
S/kya Bhikshu,......5.;. FE IE NO SOR ca ttc, 128 

Al yia PlODiaya ts. seabed déac aa os sew aeien se SE uses Ode Ba ue," 

314 index. 

pamanahiin thelsirkar ot Sarid wary) cle olen see eaters ; 8 
Namograr, battle of,......--.«5.- 5539005 Gu soodeyscssdss- 275 
Samvat of Kanishka used in the inscription of the Sue 
Wallaaars Ve ese eats ba dee alana Peete Rees plesaveta ee 67 
Sane Hasptawlita weld siee ste sere etie siceet dgapodesdso6 zs ls 
“5 TOW, oaoocdccens Ganadomon9s0Gdcqodsa57l0¢ ce 28 
Sarcostema acidum, ...... Sieieietaes visi kb b ste bee DEE et Mion 
Sasanams, Vizagapatam, ..... SaIoGAGOmIOnn ADCO NS sstonney do 
Satganw, inscriptions at, ..... S00 B00 2oacO0C Solna 556500 292 
Sattipir, ...sccsersceaes Sagal Tololatelininistst cole! e\ aol ofal+/eteteters ba 2 e202 
Dalyaslayay «cle wwe alls cele 0 510,0 agoao00000000" wiclel stou aMnlereL 
Séyana’s commentary on Hastagrabhasya, ..... ...... .. 264 
Serpent sacrifice, (The), ...... he of aveeere ere Secaie ait eee - 205 
Aa Uhewreaty (ese. Sod5000500 049000 aisis © slivle leltatat als gmineo decd 
5 \ouslicg a) tiny IEA 56 can oosadess Sobecdoobo sacs -Aaelgy 
Sesbania cefyptiaca, ......-.+..--- Sy ne etaeicieerte 228 
S'esha serpent, ........- iavalethlsaUcho ofets eielstalers talent yerceanees #208 
Shatuobarids Gucci ine ats hots tolls snale @ slelavolece ce eel sicue eT Reig 2202 
SKA NeD, SUMO EAH Ol Gooodscanoqoudccacooceenas; ia 
Shahjumma Faqir, ......... Shai ede davtcyep parte eaareere ae eatee 202 
Shah da Dheriivoma iis ab searcjeterecieyersye ters saree sister e : 89 
Shams-uddin Altamsh, Mosque of, .,.....0..ccceeceeee 8 fa 
Shamsuddin Firuz Shah, of Bengal, ............. afore sabe 288 
siomgey mele, 5 Gono Gougnadnenoose SO Ob OGG CONDO Odd onot cecrelot 
Sikandar Lodi, Tomb of,..... a lcueceracoetans oie coateee Green eit 84 
Sinha, «.ssske me eer eet ees aaa Waneae Sheps 
Sipihr Shikoh, ....... Sty arene snetecvavers sh oveveuavsuenaie OIG sales 
Siri, Encampment of “Alauddin at,.....5..:c.ccccecvece : 21 
», Siege of,....- de seceeeeesosere ree ee nleievele intel ol ee taiettd 43 
Strychnos potatorum, ...... Bes aOS et sho ee ae RR de BEST or 
Sil VAhar.  UnScriptiomy Ol ede; yeeros cial <fele) ole istorea: cneieeeneyet sete 65 
Sulaiman ShikOh eee sclstae its es SOOO OAC DOGO ari. cas 
Silman Glivtelied 4 yaeapqu BO nO000 bh oUt OGOROObkOo bo OG ooo 76 
eNO BBoosob oon hOCOOnoOCdODDOoEnOSsosa5e 44 
S‘umbha demon, ..... soooons HOO COCCERODACUGHE Choa uC : » 208 

Sunném in the Sirkar of Sarhind, ..... EMA eas oi . 8 

Index. 315 

ema eum diany iy OLA MD OLA eee od 4s ders sd ogidls saleluln eters 70 
OUMATA,  . . «'s « Seeee as Seater el slut z ites of ajaie ob Se cea iay Lo) 
Syzygium jambolanum, ......... saya nel sr ous eee silele cutenorcnenel «1s 223 
Takshaka, one of the great serpents, .........ceceecweces 204 
Malina IVASIOW: Ol,:\ss6 secs Sidi eras ele elline ouch arabalaueyel aie 2 
Waniirass peculiar to) Wenge, 5.5 voice ee s/s «sist ciciels + «sls ols 302 
Térikh-i-Firdz Shahi, Translations from, .............++. 1 
Taxes exacted by ’Alauddin, ...... (SOMA OG SAO ere tohee Ane Chie 
Taxila, Chinese writers on, ..... Aen oi Neladauanapalaieitamersue ely : 92 
5 Greels Waterss Ome sivas ecaeslcsren Beate Mi oieaetcnet wegi ett, 91 
Wp ‘Meromole) Ore WAS WH. oooooonooauGe noe HG 18 Gio cs : 93 
3 EDD NSNL Os) Os) 5 ie varsireroire ioratelnie ya talevens eyahs (oti evgreialatele Merete 89 
Ten, Symbol for, used in the Sue Vihar inscriptions, ..... . 67 
Renmmuagihia, @newlley, scosqdbodo0 Dd bd00oCOK BOOK Soonoacg,  Aeel 
“ IMOINCBMNE So oGoaddGooOD On OOKOOES Monaro 505. Baill 
FSITMALUT fasts silatieh si efssele (ats leise Sag OGM oor sis vel Cabatar lel a aie sah 3266 
Tree worship in India, ..... sooc0d0dgDOONE copocecooonds IB) 
Mremleti motes omy Oldy Welllaay ve siecle sie evelsio +c c/ciele) a: ond00d 70 
MMriy OMIM ANS CHU CONS Lei els)e/ siecle alles: lls ous)ol sve cia cialis She odo eS 
Trichosanthes dizeca,...... elavoletovetate sca sietaie cers ROOTS HMRI eh ioe4) 125 
Mriloctame naka apKenoriyes obeeioieiore dsyetereoieie see NRC 154 
airapibalcas ye... DdeboDODODODDCND pad OO bINOOOD OC KbOO coud LaO 
bce: Fallacy AGIs oe aeceh) a/e/e. 6) sels sllavoh elie oielisvafclenstedal ci atniets 500 44 
TUG MAG, SIMS Gos se soasan sou oso. el fcsleley senotalo ation canes ae 43 
Tunwar dynasty, Anek Pal, first king of the...... A ie 70 
Anoceha Khan) 3.1. bGUdboEdOOdECOOOOOOON aye elrerelel role) arei 44 
UGA, 5 oddoppObaDOdenoOCOUOCOROCUOOE Sondoodc elses aml 
[Oliiada TINH, 5 Soo oon ous eters ey usr senor aHars el shcinepans Mieco acs Oi : 43 
4 IDSA GOOG BENS Coes orc sale eels n ew clase ss. Ammon 
e receives Rantambhir, ...... wheel aelMers aioe 2 
Upanishads, Dara Shikoh’s Translation, ..... ayey stovonole even 
ROMA aio hanto isi sis e's «so voces rece apenas) a esti Beatie ic Danas 60 
Vastu, See Sas winie Utaveravetols ze Aare eusmoeeteuens ke So OMS 
aah NCAR araaticls \oie « eho change aeons ai a eka eens teratene uae er mah 199 
An PC CLOMIONY (Oly ines os se e\eiee TO SEIN eee VEN wo 206 

Vasuki, eseoseerveveevr7ee oe ose veeeHseeeeeseee ee eet ooeen 

316 Index. 

Wasu, Malnira genre Bid aidiwisio winnaar elaeds SNA Metaeer- 0 JL, (nies 
Vengiparam, Conquest of, ...... a koa ens alate adore ape cally eee «154 
Mernacular Wexicosra phan ya. wivewe.clsie 1 eet ee are ee 131 
Misadtkay on. oe-ta sumed weeeee bias REI, Cele ACO MRi a2 128 
Vishnuvardhana of Chalukya. dynasty, ..........: esl dice 153 
Vizagapatam! Copper Sasanams,.. 2... .ceeiek tl tee f ekcdgs 
Vocabulary, Gong, Ja... an ciosellee 22 b). 2 Gis ch Rie 172 
Walson’s version of Anjan.) wawelel s+ © sissies «Hel. Deda 2 US262 
Yajnavalkya on Funeral Ceremonies,.........s+e+e0+ ig. S2bs 
Yusut shah, Konevot Bengal sce sce .0 stiles acter me ener 295 
Ag kar AKGnanys icyeas (siawe ope eee ce rae lees panes 202243, 287 
Zamulabidin, Kone of Kashmiris. ss... - Seb etalae sate 269 

FOO GNM sos ac a ascactsoeeseueec a saber slatenenet geen 

(qn-qsrcrnbnp)yponpuns yo anbsopy 29 Jo uorsequy vy; 
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Ding Shikoh. lulographs of Shahjahan.